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SAGE
a
PS
ARON tO
A Prospective Study of Memory for Child Sexual Abuse: New Findings Relevant to the
Repressed-Memory Controversy
Author(s): Gail S. Goodman, Simone Ghetti, .Todi A. Quas, Robin S. Edelstein, Kristen
Weede Alexander, Allison D. Redlich, Ingrid M. Cordon and David P. H. Tones
Source: Psychological Science, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Mar., 2003) pp. 113-118
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Research Article
SEXUAL ABUSE:
New Findings Relevant to the Repressed•Memory Controversy
Gail S. Goodman,' Simona Ghetti,' Jodi A. Quas,2 Robin S. Edelstein,'
Kristen Weede Alexander,' Allison D. Redlich,' Ingrid M. Cordon,'
and David P.H. Jones'
'University of California. Davis: 'University of California. Irvine; 'Stanford University; and 'University of Oxford.
Par* Hospital for Children. Oxford. England
Abstract—Previous research indicates that many adults (nearly 40%)
fail to report their own documented child sexual abuse (CSA) when
asked about their childhood experiences. These controversial results
could reflect lack of consciously accessible recollection, thus bolster-
ing claims that traumatic memories may be repressed. In the present
study. 175 individuals with documented CSA histories were inter-
viewed regarding their childhood trauma. Unlike in previous studies.
the majority of participants 691%1 in our study reported the docu-
mented abuse. Older age when the abuse ended. maternal support
following disclosure of the abuse, and more severe abuse were associ-
ated with an increased likelihood of disclosure. Ethnicity and dissoci-
ation also played a role. Failure to report CSA should not necessarily
be interpreted as evidence that the abuse is inaccessible to memory.
although inaccessibility or forgetting cannot be ruled out in a subset
of cases.
Central to the controversy over repressed or lost memory is whether
childhood experiences of sexual abuse can become inaccessible to con-
sciousness. Although core features of stressful events are often panicu-
lwly well retained (Christianson. 1992), debate centers on whether, for
highly traumatic events, special memory mechanisms supercede normal
memory processes. Some researchers argue that traumatic and benign
events are subject to identical cognitive operations (e.g., Loftus, Garry,
& Feldman. 1994; Shobe & Kihlstrom• 1997). According to this view,
traumatic experiences, like nontraumatic ones, can be forgotten over
time, especially if they occurred at a young age; special memory mecha-
nisms to explain forgetting are not needed. Others, however, contend
that some events, such as child sexual abuse (CSA). may be so traumatic
to the psychological self that they become consciously inaccessible for
extended time periods because of special memory mechanisms, such as
repression or dissociation (e.g., A. Freud, 1936/1946; S. Freud, 19151
1957; Williams. 1994b: but see Erdelyi. 2031). Proponents of this latter
view have relied largely on retrospective studies of CSA (e.g.. Briere &
Conte, 1993; Elliott & Briere, 1995). which are limited because partici-
pants' reports cannot be verified. However, two prospective studies (Wi-
dom & Monis, 1997; Williams, 1994a) revealed sizable percentages of
individuals who did not report their previously documented CSA.
In her seminal research, Williams (1994a) interviewed 129 women
(66% of the original sample), mainly African Americans, who had
been seen at a hospital in the early 1970s because of alleged CSA.
When questioned 17 years later about a variety of personal topics, in-
Address correspondence to Gail S. Goodman. Department of Psychology.
University of California. One Shields Ave.. Davis• CA 95616.
VOL. la. NO. 2. MARCH 2003
eluding CSA. 38% of the women failed to disclose the documented
abuse. Of the nondisclosers, 68% described other unwanted sexual ex-
periences, a percentage comparable to that among the women who
disclosed the documented case. Findings also revealed that younger
victims and those closely related to the perpetrator were less likely to
disclose• whereas greater use of force during the abuse was positively
related to disclosure. Williams concluded that forgetting of CSA is a
relatively common occurrence. She inferred that the high nondisclo-
sure rate for the documented cases was not due solely to reluctance to
discuss sensitive topics (given frequent disclosure of other unwanted
sexual experiences); rather, many of the women appeared to have for-
gotten the former CSA, probably because of mechanisms specific to
memory for traumatic events.
In another prospective study, Widom and Morris (1997) inter-
viewed 96 men and women with a history of substantiated CSA that
occurred 20 years previously, between 1967 and 1971. Participants
were prompted four times regarding CSA. Thirty-seven percent of the
adults did not report any CSA experiences. However. Widom and
Morris did not compare their participants' current reports with the
official records to determine whether participants had disclosed the
documented cases. Thus, their nondisclosure rate may be an underesti-
mate because cases other than the documented cases may have been
included among those disclosed.
Although only two published studies have investigated memory for
documented CSA after long delays. the results have far-reaching im-
plications. For instance, findings could be used to support the concept
of repression (Kandel & Kandel. 1994; Terr. 1994). as well as statutes
of limitation that begin from the time alleged abuse is remembered.
Still. questions remain regarding the methodology, interpretations,
and replicability of the two studies. For instance, because Widom and
Morris (1997) did not verify whether the documented case was dis-
closed. their results concerning predictors are uninterpretabk; and be-
cause Williams's (1994a) sample was restricted in ethnicity. and certain
crucial variables (e.g.. abuse severity) were missing, the generalizability
and interpretation of her findings are open to question. Given the pro-
found implications, it is imperative to extend this body of research.
The present study included young adults who, more than a decade
earlier, were involved in criminal prosecutions as victims of CSA and
participated in a study of court testimony (Goodman et al., 1992). De-
tailed documentation of the abuse was available for all cases. The re-
search goals were to (a) compare disclosure rates of documented CSA
in the current versus former prospective studies and (b) identify pre-
dictors of disclosure.
Copyright 0 2003 American Psychological Society
113
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Several predictors of disclosure were examined. First we consid-
ered age. Forgetting is more likely for events that occurred before
rather than after the offset of childhood amnesia. at approximately age
3 to 5 years (Pillemer & White, 1989; Quas et at, 1999). Indeed. Wil-
liam (1994a) reported that women who were abused before age 7
were significantly less likely to disclose than women who were abused
at or after age 7. In contrast, Widom and Mont (1997) found no effect
of age at time of abuse. However, because they did not compare cur-
rent reports with the original cases, it is possible that participants who
were abused at an early age, according to documentation, discussed
abuse that occurred at a later age (i.e., after the offset of childhood am-
nesia). thus deflating an age effect.
A second potentially important predictor of CSA disclosure is gen-
der. Previous research suggests that compared with females, males are
less likely to disclose (e.g., DeVoe & Faller, 1999; Finkelhor, Hotel-
lag. Lewis. & Smith. 1990; Widom & Morris. 1997). Williams and
Banyard (1997) uncovered significant gender differences when they
compared disclosure in Williams's ( 1994a) sample of women with dis-
closure rates in a sample of men with documented CSA. However, in a
regression analysis, only age emerged as a significant predictor of dis-
closure. Widom and Morris found that men's and women's definitions
of sexual abuse differed, which may have led to differential disclosure
rates. Specifically, of participants whose responses indicated CSA,
64% of the women labeled their experiences as abusive, whereas only
16% of the men did so. Men's resistance to define certain sexual acts
as abuse, perhaps because of shame, embarrassment, or fear of stigma-
tization, may underlie gender differences in disclosure.
Third. the relation between severity of abuse and disclosure is cur-
rently under debate. Several researchers have speculated that memory
deteriorates as severity of trauma increases (Terr, 1991; van der Kolk,
1997). Ten (1991). for instance, proposed that repression and dissoci-
ation are more common coping reactions in response to long, antici-
pated. and repeated traumas than in response to single, unanticipated,
and short-lived traumas. To the extent that individuals push traumatic
memories out of consciousness (i.e., repress the information) or disso-
ciate during a trauma, memory would likely be adversely affected
when the trauma is more severe. In fact. Williams (1994a) found that
intrafamilial abuse, which tends to be severe, was less likely to be dis-
closed than other abuse. However, nondisclosure of severe abuse or
abuse perpetrated by a family member may be due to factors other
than forgetting, such as reluctance or embarrassment.
Nevertheless, because factors like event salience and personal rele-
vance may facilitate memory retention (e.g., Baker-Ward. Hess. &
Flanagan, 1990: Bower & Sivers. 1998; Christianson, 1992). severe
abuse, which typically includes invasive sexual contact, force, or both.
would be more likely to be remembered than less severe abuse. Fur-
ther, given that severe abuse typically involves recurring assault
(Goodman et al., 1992). it is possible that enduring memories are fash-
ioned through script formation (e.g.. Hudson, Fivush. & Kuebli, 1992;
Nelson, 1986). That is. children who experience repeated abuse by the
same perpetrator may develop a script of what usually occurs, which
would enhance long-term memory of the gist of the abuse and de-
crease the likelihood of complete forgetting.
A fourth potential predictor of CSA disclosure is the extent of legal
involvement children experience. Within the legal system, child vic-
tims are often required to talk repeatedly (e.g.. during forensic inter-
views. while testifying in court) about abuse incidents. Recounting
abuse multiple times may result in elaborative rehearsal, strengthening
children's event representations and enhancing long-term memory
114
(e.g.. Bahrick, 2020). In both Williams's (1994a) and Widom and
Morris's (1997) samples, the CSA came to authorities' attention. sug-
gesting that some of the children were involved in subsequent legal
cases. Yet neither study addressed the relation between disclosure and
extent of children's legal involvement. Given the importance of elabo-
rative rehearsal for memory, it is of interest to examine whether legal
involvement, including being questioned by authorities and testifying.
increases the likelihood of adult memory and disclosure of CSA.
Familial charactetistics, particularly maternal support, may influ-
ence long-term memory for abuse. Maternal support and communica-
tion are positively related to children's emotional and psychological
adjustment following CSA disclosure (Everson. Hunter. Runyan,
Edelson's. & Coulter, 1989; Sas, 1993), to their memory for stressful
experiences (Goodman. Quas, Batterman-Faunce, Riddlesberger. &
Kuhn. 1994), and to their maintenance of allegations across interviews
(Bradley & Wood. 1996; Rieser, 1991; Sorenson & Snow. 1991). To
the extent that supportive mothers legitimate their children's allega-
tions or talk more often with their children about the abuse, maternal
support may enhance long-term memory for, or at least individuals
willingness to discuss, the abuse.
Ethnicity could also play a role in disclosure. CSA sequelae. in-
cluding disclosure, may differ according to ethnicity (e.g., Kenny &
McEachem. 2000). Moreover, ethnicity may be correlated with other
factors that could affect memory for CSA (e.g., additional life trau-
mas, number of CSA experiences).
Finally, our longitudinal study afforded the opportunity to examine
several additional potential predictors of long-term memory for abuse
that arc of substantial theoretical importance. These included mental
health (e.g.. current dissociative tendencies), relationship betrayal.
self-blame for the abuse, and number of other traumas or abuse experi-
ences. Dissociation is believed to create holes in autobiographical
memory (Bride & Conte, 1993); betrayal of attachment relations is
said to underlie lost memory for abuse (Freyd. 1996): self-blame
should contribute to repression (S. Freud, 1915/1957): and other trau-
mas or abuse experiences could interfere with memory access to the
documented (target) case. The degree to which these factors contribute
to loss of CSA memory provides insight into whether special memory
mechanisms underlie nonreponing by adults of childhood trauma.
METHOD
Participants and Sample Characteristics
Between 1985 and 1987, 217 children (51 male, 166 female), ages
4 to 17 years. participated in the original study.' At that time, detailed
information was collected from multiple sources (i.e., prosecutor files.
nonoffending caregivers. child victims) regarding characteristics of
the abuse (e.g.. perpetrator's identity, sexual acts, abuse duration) and
legal case (e.g.. number of times the child testified). None of the cases
involved sensational allegations of day-care or satanic ritual abuse.
Approximately 13 years later (original study to current interview. M
13.09 years, range: 10.66-16.58; end of abuse to current interview.
I. In the questionnaires for the current study. CSA was defined based on
state law, specifying a 4-year child-perpetrator age difference. One participant
from the original study is not included in the present report because the pape-
tralor was not 4 years older. On that basis, the court dismissed the case.
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Al = 1186 years. range: 11.50-19.00). the former participants were
located and invited to take part in a study of legal attitudes and experi-
ences. Of the 217 original participants. 186 (85.7%) were located and
175 (80.6%) were interviewed. Of those located but not interviewed.
10 (4.6% of the original sample) declined to participate, and 1 was
deceased.
Of the 175 participants interviewed. 141 (80.6%) were female. Partici-
pants' age at time of interview ranged from 16.7 to 30.3 years
= 23.0).
Sixty-two percent of the sample was Caucasian non-Hispanic. 11% was
African American, 16% was Hispanic. and 11% indicated that they had
"other" racial-ethnic backgrounds. Participants' age when the docu-
mented abuse began ranged from 2 to 16 years (Al = 8.7 years), and age
when the abuse ended ranged from 3 to 16 years (M = 9.2). Mean age at
the start of the legal case (when involvement in the original studY began)
was 9.5 years. The alleged perpetrator was classified as a parent (24%).
person in mist position (Lt. teacher, relative: 40%). acquaintance (29%).
or stranger (7.4%). Of the cases, 89% involved genital contact and 42%
involved penetration. The results of : tests comparing participants who did
and did not take part in the current study failed to reveal any significant
differences in age when abuse began or ended, severity of abuse, and ex-
tent of legal imolvement, ts(199 to 216) = —1.08 to 1.60. ps > .11. al-
though females were more likely than males to participate in the current
researdt x(1. N = 217) = 8.1, p < .01.
Procedure
The study was conducted in three phases: (a) a phone interview (n =
175); (b) mailed questionnaires Or - 129). including psychometri-
cally sound. standardized questionnaires of psychopathology, such as
the Dissociative Experiences Scale (Bernstein & Putnam. 1986) and
the Posttraumatic Diagnostic Scale (Foa. Cashman. laycox. & Perry.
1997); and (c) an in-person interview (n w 107).' For scientific and
ethical reasons, participants were never told that we knew of their past
victimization, legal involvement, or participation in the original study.
The current research was described as concerning legal attitudes and
experiences. In all three phases. information about mental health, vic-
timization, legal experiences, and attitudes toward the legal system
was elicited. For the present report, we examined only data relevant to
CSA disclosure, which consisted primarily of data collected during
the initial interview. Questions about CSA were interspersed through-
out the interview and concerned legal involvement as a result of al-
leged CSA. as well as experiences of CSA whether or not they were
reported to the authorities. CSA was defined as exhibitionism, sexual
touching, kissing, rape, oral sex. intercourse, or any type of completed
or attempted CSA that occurred when the participant was under age
18 and with a person at least 4 years older. Upon disclosure, additional
questions (e.g.. "What was the person's name?" "What was his/her re-
lationship to your) were asked to identify the documented case.
Target-Case Identification
Several criteria were used to determine whether participants reported
the target case (the one documented in the original study). The primary
2. The number of respondents varies across the study's phases because
some participants who had completed the first phase declined to participate in
the second and third phases (5% and 2%, respectively) or could not be re-
located (21% and 19%. respectively).
VOL. 14. NO. 2. MARCH 2003
criteria were the name or identity of the alleged perpetrator and the par-
ticipant's age at the time of the legal case. Secondary criteria included
type of sexual activity, frequency and duration of the abuse, and out-
come of the legal case. Participants' responses were classified, by two
raters, into one of the following categories: (a) clear disclosure of target
case; (b) no disclosure of target case but clear disclosure of another CSA
experience: (c) disclosure of CSA, but unclear whether the disclosure
matched the target case: or (d) no disclosure of CSA.
Disclosure Rate
During the study's first phase. 142 participants (81.1%) disclosed
the target case. Seventeen participants (9.7%) denied ever being vic-
tims of CSA. Seven participants (4.0%) reported only cases other than
those documented in our records. Two participants (1.1%) indicated
that their parent told them that they were victims of GSA, but they had
no memory of the abuse. Because of their lack of memory, the latter 2
individuals were classified as nondisclosers. Additionally, 3 individu-
als (1.7%) provided only sparse and ambiguous information. and 2
other individuals (1.1%) disclosed being victims of CSA but declined
to answer further questions, thus preventing us from establishing
whether they were referring to the target case. One participant (0.6%)
declined to answer any questions about sexual abuse. Finally, the
mother of a child under 18 years old (0.6%) requested that we not ask
about CSA. These latter 7 participants were excluded from subsequent
analyses, leaving 168 individuals for whom it was possible to estab-
lish clearly whether or not the documented case was disclosed.
Of these 168 participants, only 15.5% (n = 26) did not report the
target case in the phone interview.' a percentage considerably lower
than that reported by both Williams (1994a) and Widom and Morris
(1997). There are several potential explanations for this discrepancy.
First, the age range at the time of the abuse was smaller in the former
studies than in ours (Williams. 10 months-12 years; Widom & Moths,
0-11 years). When our sample was restricted to individuals abused at
age 12 years and younger. however, our nondisclosure rate did not
change appreciably (17%, 22 out of 131). Second. because the target
case was closely followed during the prosecution (Goodman et al.,
1992), extensive documentation was available to identify it. Previous
studies relied on single sources of information, such as medical records,
which may have led to an underestimation of disclosure because of diffi-
culty matching current to past records (Loftus et al., 1994). The percent-
age of individuals denying ever having been sexually abused as children
is comparable in Williams's study (12%, 16 out of 129) and in the cur-
rent study (10%, 17 out of 168). However, the percentage of individuals
who did not disclose the target case but disclosed other cases war
greater in Williams's study than the current study (26% and 4%, respec-
tively). Thus, at least some of Williams's cases classified as "other may
have actually been the documented case.
3. When the subset Massa (67%) with corroborative evidence (e.g.. con-
fession, eyewitness, physical evidence) for the target sexual abuse was consid-
ered, the disclosure rate (85.5%) was similar to that reported fee the entire
sample. These findings indicate that lack of disclosure was not due to the orig-
inal report of abuse being false. Three individuals now claim that the abuse al-
legation was false. The basic findings do not differ whether or not these
individuals are included.
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Third, the majority of Williams's (1994a) sample was African
American. whereas the majority of our sample was Caucasian non-
Hispanic. CSA sequelae, including disclosure, may differ according to
ethnicity (e.g.. Kenny & McEachem. 2000). In our study, the disclo-
sure rate was higher for Caucasian non-Hispanics than African Ameri-
cans: 87.6% and 70.0%. respectively. x'(I, N = 166) = 4.07. p < .05.
In fact, the nondisclosure rate for African Americans (30%) ap-
proached that reported by Williams. Memory interference due to a
greater number of life traumas or other CSA experiences did not ex-
plain the finding (rs = 1.151).
Interestingly, of the 26 nondisclosers. 12 reported the target case
during the second (i.e., mailed questionnaire; n = 9) or third (i.e., in-
person interview; n a 3) phase of the present study. Thus, some non-
disclosers may have remembered the CSA but omitted that informa-
tion because of an initial disinclination to report (see della Felten*.
Yeager. & Lewis. 1990). It is also possible that our questioning
spurred participants to ask caretakers about past abuse or served as a
retrieval cue for previously inaccessible memories.
Predictors of Disclosure
The study's second goal was to identify predictors of disclosure.
First, to examine age effects on disclosure, we divided the sample into
two groups based on whether abuse ended at age 5 or earlier (n = 28) or
after age 5 (n = 140). Second. we constructed a composite measure of
abuse severity consisting of abuse duration, extent of sexual contact,
amount of force used, and extent of injury sustained because of the
abuse (Al = 4.84, range: 2-10; higher scores indicate more severe
abuse). Third. perpetrator identity was coded as a parental figure (it =
42) or not a parental figure (n =126). Fourth. participants were identi-
fied as having received (n = 138) or not having received (n = 22; 8
missing) maternal support following the abuse disclosure (see Goodman
et al.. 1992, for details concerning the original study's measures). Fifth.
ethnicity was coded as African American (n = 20) versus all others (n =
146; 2 missing). Finally, participants' legal involvement was scored as
1. child never went to courthouse (n = 58); 2, child went to courthouse
but did not testify (n = 59); or 3. child went to courthouse and testified
(n a 51): the mean score for this variable was 1.96.
We performed a logistic regression analysis in which the dichoto-
mous disclosure variable was regressed on dichotomous age at the end
of the abuse. victim gender, abuse severity, perpetrator relationship,
maternal support. ethnicity. and extent of legal involvement (see Table
1). Age when abuse ended, abuse severity, and maternal support sig-
nificantly predicted disclosure. The results for ethnicity closely ap-
11)ble 1. Logistic regression predicting disclosure
Variable
B
SE
Wald df p
Victim age
1.21
0.58
4.34
.04
Victim gender
0.12 0.60
0.04
.84
Abuse severity
0.34
0.16
4.35
.04
Maternal support
1.38
0.60
5.27
.02
Relationship with perpetrator -0.25 038 0.19
.66
Legal involvement
0.48 0.31
2.31
.13
Ethnicity
—1.18 0.62
3.61
.06
Nose Nagetkerke R3 a .201.267.N = 158) 4 19.34.p <.01.
116
preached significance. Legal involvement. gender. and perpetrator
relationship were not significant predictors.
As in previous research (e.g., Howe. 2000). experiencing CSA in
early childhood reduced the likelihood of CSA recall: 87% of the par-
ticipants whose abuse ended after age 5 disclosed the documented
case, compared with 69% of the participants whose abuse ended at age
5 or earlier. Contrary to the notion that abuse severity should be nega-
tively associated with disclosure. victims of more severe abuse were
more likely to disclose (mean severity for disclosers = 4.93) than
were victims of less severe abuse (mean severity for nondisclosers =
4.37). These results appear consistent with the idea that memory for
abuse, like memory for other events, is positively affected by event du-
ration and salience (e.g., extent of sexual contact, level of force, and
injury, which were indicators of abuse severity).
Maternal support was also associated with increased disclosure
rates. Eighty percent of the individuals who received maternal support
disclosed, whereas 68% of those who did not receive maternal support
reported the documented case. Individuals who, as children. felt be-
lieved, supported. and legitimated when making their allegations may
be more willing or able years later to discuss their victimization.
Significant gender differences in disclosure were not found (15.2%
of males and 15.6% of females failed to disclose). It is possible that, as
a result of changes in societal attitudes toward sexual abuse, males
who experienced CSA in the 1970s rather than 1980s. or who were in-
terviewed nearly a decade before the present study (as in the former
prospective research). may have been more reluctant to admit to vic-
timization. Alternatively, males in the present study may be nonrepre-
sentative of male CSA victims.
Legal involvement did not significantly predict disclosure. al-
though disclosure rates tended to be higher among individuals with
more extensive legal involvement. Of the 51 participants who testified
in court. 8% did not disclose. compared with 17% of the 59 partici-
pants who went to the courthouse to testify but never took the stand
and 21% of the 58 who never went to the courthouse in the target case
Note that even for the 58 individuals with limited legal involvement,
the proportion of nondisclosers was considerably smaller than that in
former studies.'
Finally. several additional variables were examined because of
their theoretical importance. Number of other CSA experiences and
other traumas might predict nondisclosure to the extent that interfer-
ence erodes memory. Frequency of the target abuse should also predict
lost memory, according to a psychoanalytic perspective (Tem. 1991).
although a general-memory-mechanism perspective suggests that it
should strengthen recall. None of these variables was significantly re-
lated to disclosure. rs < I ICC ns < 168. Of clinical importance, rela-
tionship betrayal (Freyd. 1996). childhood behavior problems (Child
Behavior Checklist total T score; Achenbach, 1991). and current post-
traumatic stress disorder symptoms (Foot et al., 1997) were not signifi-
cant predictors. rs < 1.111. ns < 168. Self-blame, r(124) = .21. p <
.05. was significantly correlated with disclosure, but in a direction op-
posite to Freudian prediction (more self-blame, more likely to dis-
close). and it was nonsignificant in logistic regression analysis.
Interestingly, dissociation (Dissociative Experiences Scale) was sig-
4. The delay from abuse to interview was longer in previous studies than in
ours. When delay (time from the police report to our phone interview) was also
considered in the logistic regression analysis, its contribution did not reach sig-
nificance (p = 14 and other relations were virtually unchanged.
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nificantly correlated with disclosure. co
= .24.P <
and was a
significant predictor in a logistic regression analysis: More dissocia-
tive individuals were less likely to disclose. However, because the
measure was included only in the mailed questionnaires, and the sam-
ple was thus smaller and somewhat biased toward participants who al-
ready disclosed abuse, dissociation was not included in our main
regression analysis.'
Conclusion
Results from this study indicate that forgetting of CSA may not be
a common experience, at least not in a prosecution sample. Although
African Americans' nondisclosure rate was 30%, lack of willingness
to disclose seems the most parsimonious explanation for the differ-
ence across racial groups.
Abuse severity and age at which the abuse was experienced were
positively related to disclosure, a result consistent with general mem-
ory principles. It is well established that salient events are generally
remembered over time, provided that they occur after the offset of
childhood amnesia. Because severe abuse is often a salient experience.
it should be recalled. Further. that maternal support predicted disclo-
sure many years later highlights the importance of social factors in re-
lation to CSA disclosure. These findings do not support the existence
of special memory mechanisms unique to traumatic events, but instead
imply that normal cognitive operations underlie long-term memory for
CSA. The role of dissociation, however, deserves further study. Our
results, along with findings that abuse leads to dissociative tendencies
(Briere & Runtz, 1988) and that dissociation predicts false memory
(Hyman & Billings. 1998). may imply an important role for dissocia-
tion in understanding lost and false memory of CSA. A fundamental
challenge for future research will be to integrate cognitive, social, and
clinical factors into theories of memory for childhood trauma.
Acknowledgments—This snick is based on work supported by the Na-
tional Science Foundation under Grant 0004369. Any opinions, findings.
and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this article are those of
the authors and do nor necessarily reflect the views of the National Science
Foundation. We thank Deena Day. Patricia England. Jenny Garfein. Jenni-
fer Noll. Linda Pon. Lydia Prado. Juliana Raskauskas. Leslie Rudy. Jenni-
fer Schaaf. Daniel Stroski, Elizabeth Taub. Penelope Trickett. and many
undergraduate students who provided their assistance. Thanks are also
given to Sally Murphy and her interview team at the National Opinion Re-
search Center. We are grateful to the waft at the Adams. Arapahoe. and
Denver County District Attorney Offices. Special thanks go to District At-
torneys James Peters. Robert Grant. and William Ritter and to Deputy Dis-
trict Attorneys John Jordan. Jill Straus. and Norman Brisker. Gina Gallo
and Lois Buckman also offered valuable assistance.
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