Text extracted via OCR from the original document. May contain errors from the scanning process.
All the more so when dictators rediscover the time-honored technique of weaponizing the
people against each other by punishing those who don’t denounce or punish others.
In contrast, technologically advanced societies have long had the means to install
Internet-connected, government-monitored surveillance cameras in every bar and
bedroom. Yet that has not happened, because democratic governments (even the current
American administration, with its flagrantly antidemocratic impulses) lack the will and
the means to enforce such surveillance on an obstreperous people accustomed to saying
what they want. Occasionally, warnings of nuclear, biological, or cyberterrorism goad
government security agencies into measures such as hoovering up mobile phone
metadata, but these ineffectual measures, more theater than oppression, have had no
significant effect on either security or freedom. Ironically, tech prophecy plays a role in
encouraging these measures. By sowing panic about supposed existential threats such as
suitcase nuclear bombs and bioweapons assembled in teenagers’ bedrooms, they put
pressure on governments to prove they’re doing something, anything, to protect the
American people.
It’s not that political freedom takes care of itself. It’s that the biggest threats lie in
the networks of ideas, norms, and institutions that allow information to feed back (or not)
on collective decisions and understanding. As opposed to the chimerical technological
threats, one real threat today is oppressive political correctness, which has choked the
range of publicly expressible hypotheses, terrified many intelligent people against
entering the intellectual arena, and triggered a reactionary backlash. Another real threat
is the combination of prosecutorial discretion with an expansive lawbook filled with
vague statutes. The result is that every American unwittingly commits “three felonies a
day” (as the title of a book by civil libertarian Harvey Silverglate puts it) and is in
jeopardy of imprisonment whenever it suits the government’s needs. It’s this
prosecutorial weaponry that makes Big Brother all-powerful, not telescreens. The
activism and polemicizing directed against government surveillance programs would be
better directed at its overweening legal powers.
The other focus of much tech prophecy today is artificial intelligence, whether in
the original sci-fi dystopia of computers running amok and enslaving us in an
unstoppable quest for domination, or the newer version in which they subjugate us by
accident, single-mindedly seeking some goal we give them regardless of its side effects
on human welfare (the value-alignment problem adumbrated by Wiener). Here again
both threats strike me as chimerical, growing from a narrow technological determinism
that neglects the networks of information and control in an intelligent system like a
computer or brain and in a society as a whole.
The subjugation fear is based on a muzzy conception of intelligence that owes
more to the Great Chain of Being and a Nietzschean will to power than to a Wienerian
analysis of intelligence and purpose in terms of information, computation, and control. In
these horror scenarios, intelligence is portrayed as an all-powerful, wish-granting potion
that agents possess in different amounts. Humans have more of it than animals, and an
artificially intelligent computer or robot will have more of it than humans. Since we
humans have used our moderate endowment to domesticate or exterminate less well-
endowed animals (and since technologically advanced societies have enslaved or
annihilated technologically primitive ones), it follows that a supersmart AI would do the
same to us. Since an AI will think millions of times faster than we do, and use its
80
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016883