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Case File
d-36466House OversightOtherEssay on Lee Kuan Yew's governance model and Singapore's political system
Date
November 11, 2025
Source
House Oversight
Reference
House Oversight #032200
Pages
1
Persons
0
Integrity
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Summary
The passage offers a general commentary on Singapore's political structure and Lee Kuan Yew's leadership style, without specific allegations, names of wrongdoing, financial transactions, or actionable Describes Lee Kuan Yew's authoritarian‑leaning policies (e.g., bans on spitting, tobacco, gum). Claims Singapore's success is due to a hybrid regime rather than full democracy. Notes tight media cont
This document is from the House Oversight Committee Releases.
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authoritarianismpolitical-systemssingaporehouse-oversightmedia-controllee-kuan-yew
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30
anywhere pound for pound. Along the way, a strong national
consciousness was forged in the vein of a twenty-first-century trading
state. Lee’s method of government was not altogether democratic,
and his intrusion into people’s lives bordered on the petty and anal-
retentive: banning spitting, the use of tobacco and chewing gum. The
press, of course, was tightly controlled. Whenever criticized, Lee
scoffed at how an uninhibited media in India, the Philippines and
Thailand had not spared those countries from rampant corruption;
multinationals love Singapore in large measure because of its
meritocracy and honest government. Yes, Singapore is green with
many parks, and so immaculate it borders on the antiseptic. But it is
also a controlled society that challenges ideals of the Western
philosophers.
For Lee has provided for the well-being of his citizens without really
relying on democracy. His example holds out the possibility, heretical
to an enlightened Western mind, that democracy may not be the last
word in human political development. What he has engineered in
Singapore is a hybrid regime: capitalistic it is, but it all occurred—
particularly in the early decades—in a quasi-authoritarian setting.
Elections are held, but the results are never in doubt. There may be
consultations with various political groupings, yet, in fifty years,
there is still little sign that the population is fundamentally unhappy
with the ruling People’s Action Party (though its majority has fallen
somewhat). Unsurprisingly, Lee makes liberals supremely
uncomfortable. Fundamentally Mill, Berlin and many other Western
philosophical theorists and political scientists—from Thomas Paine
and John Locke to Francis Fukuyama of late—hold that people will
eventually wish to wrest themselves from the shackles of repressive
rule. That the innate human desire for free will inevitably engenders
discontent with the ruling class from below—something we have
seen in abundance in the lands of the Arab Spring. Yet, Confucian-
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