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Case 19-1540, Document 65, 07/11/2019, 2606510, Page1 of 90
No. 19-1540
__________________________________________________
TRUMP ACQUISITION LLC, and TRUMP ACQUISITION, CORP.,
Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
DEUTSCHE BANK AG, and CAPITAL ONE FINANCIAL CORPORATION,
Defendants-Appellees,
and
REPRESENTATIVES, and PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON
Intervenor Defendants-Appellees.
__________________________________________________
On Appeal from the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York
__________________________________________________
__________________________________________________
Douglas N. Letter, General Counsel
Todd B. Tatelman, Deputy General Counsel
Megan Barbero, Associate General Counsel
Josephine Morse, Associate General Counsel
219 Cannon House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515
(202) 225-9700
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INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................1
STATEMENT OF JURISDICTION ................................................................................... 3
STATEMENT OF THE ISSUE ............................................................................................ 4
HOUSE RULES ....................................................................................................................... 4
STATEMENT OF THE CASE ............................................................................................. 4
A. The Committees’ Legal Framework .................................................................... 4
1. The Financial Services Committee ...............................................................5
2. The Intelligence Committee ..........................................................................7
B. The Financial Services Committee’s Investigations .......................................... 9
C. The Intelligence Committee’s Investigation .....................................................14
D. The Right To Financial Privacy Act ..................................................................19
E. Procedural History Of This Litigation ..............................................................20
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT .................................................................................23
STANDARD OF REVIEW .................................................................................................27
ARGUMENT ..........................................................................................................................27
I.
THE COMMITTEES’ SUBPOENAS ARE VALID AND ENFORCEABLE.................28
A. Mr. Trump’s Constitutional Challenge To The Subpoenas Fails..................28
1. Congress’s power to investigate is broad .................................................. 28
2. The Financial Services and Intelligence Committees’ subpoenas
unquestionably have legitimate legislative purposes ............................... 34
3. None of the exceptions to Congress’s broad investigatory authority
applies here .................................................................................................... 40
B. The Right To Financial Privacy Act Does Not Apply To Congress ............49
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II.
INJUNCTION .............................................................................................................55
CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................................58
ADDENDUM
ii
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Cases
Barenblatt v. United States,
360 U.S. 109 (1959) .................................................................................................... 31, 45
Bean LLC v. John Doe Bank,
291 F. Supp. 3d 34 (D.D.C. 2018) ........................................................................... 16, 31
Bergman v. Senate Special Committee on Aging,
389 F. Supp. 1127 (S.D.N.Y. 1975) ................................................................................ 44
Burnap v. United States,
252 U.S. 512 (1920)............................................................................................................. 52
Committee on Judiciary of the U.S. House of Representatives v. Miers,
542 F.3d 909 (D.C. Cir. 2008) ......................................................................................... 57
Chemical Bank v. Haseotes,
13 F.3d 569 (2d Cir. 1994)................................................................................................ 56
Eastland v. U.S. Servicemen’s Fund,
421 U.S. 491 (1975) ......................................................... 3, 21, 31, 32, 40, 41, 46, 56, 57
Ex parte Daugherty,
299 F. 620 (S.D. Ohio 1924) ............................................................................................ 29
Exxon Corp. v. FTC,
589 F.2d 582 (D.C. Cir. 1978) .................................................................................. 32, 57
Freytag v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
501 U.S. 868 (1991) ...........................................................................................................51
Hearst v. Black,
87 F.2d 68 (D.C. Cir. 1936) .............................................................................................. 43
Hubbard v. United States,
514 U.S. 695 (1995) ...........................................................................................................55
iii
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Hutcheson v. United States,
369 U.S. 599 (1962) ...........................................................................................................46
Kilbourn v. Thompson,
103 U.S. 168 (1880) .................................................................................................... 30, 31
McGrain v. Daugherty,
273 U.S. 135 (1927) .......................................................... 1, 24, 28, 29, 30, 43, 46-47, 56
McPhaul v. United States,
364 U.S. 372 (1960) ...............................................................................................22, 33-34
McSurely v. McClellan,
521 F.2d 1024 (D.C. Cir. 1975) ....................................................................................... 32
Munaf v. Geren,
553 U.S. 674 (2008) ...........................................................................................................27
North Am. Soccer League, LLC v. United States Soccer Fed’n, Inc.,
883 F.3d 32 (2d Cir. 2018)................................................................................................ 27
N.Y. Progress & Prot. PAC v. Walsh,
733 F.3d 483 (2d Cir. 2013) ............................................................................................. 27
Otoe-Missouria Tribe of Indians v. New York State Dep’t of Fin. Servs.,
769 F.3d 105 (2d Cir. 2014) ...................................................................................... 27, 28
Quinn v. United States
349 U.S. 155 (1955) .................................................................................................... 28, 33
Russell v. United States,
369 U.S. 749 (1962) ...........................................................................................................33
SEC v. Jerry T. O’Brien, Inc.,
467 U.S. 735 (1984) ...........................................................................................................50
Senate Select Comm. on Ethics v. Packwood,
845 F. Supp. 17 (D.D.C. 1994) ........................................................................................ 41
Shelton v. United States,
404 F.2d 1292 (D.C. Cir. 1968) ....................................................................................... 47
iv
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Tenney v. Brandhove,
341 U.S. 367 (1951) ...........................................................................................................33
United States v. AT&T,
551 F.2d 384 (D.C. Cir. 1976) ......................................................................................... 44
United States v. AT&T,
567 F.2d 121 (D.C. Cir. 1977) ......................................................................................... 57
United States v. Bramblett,
348 U.S. 503 (1955) ...........................................................................................................54
United States v. Daccarett,
6 F.3d 37 (2d Cir. 1993) .................................................................................................... 50
United States v. Goldberg,
756 F.2d 949 (2d Cir. 1985) ............................................................................................. 34
United States v. Icardi,
140 F. Supp. 383 (D.D.C. 1956)............................................................................... 47, 48
United States v. Miller,
425 U.S. 435 (1976) ...........................................................................................................50
United States v. Patterson,
206 F.2d 433 (D.C. Cir. 1953) ......................................................................................... 44
United States v. Rumely,
345 U.S. 41 (1953) ................................................................................................ 31, 33, 45
United States v. Sum of $185,336.07 Currency Seized from Citizen’s Bank Account
L7N01967, 731 F.3d 189 (2d Cir. 2013). ....................................................................... 50
United States Dep’t of Air Force v. Fed. Labor Relations Auth.,
952 F.2d 446 (D.C. Cir. 1991) ......................................................................................... 52
Watkins v. United States,
354 U.S. 178 (1957) ................................................................................................ 1, 31, 32
Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc.,
555 U.S. 7 (2008) ............................................................................................................... 27
v
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Administrative Decisions
In re Capital One, N.A. McLean, Virginia Capital One Bank (U.S.A.), N.A. Glen Allen,
Virginia, Enforcement Action No. 2018-080, 2018 WL 5384428
(O.C.C. Oct. 23, 2018). .....................................................................................................11
Constitutional Provisions
U.S. Const., Art. I, § 1........................................................................................................ 4, 28
U.S. Const., Art. I, § 5, cl. 2 ..................................................................................................... 4
Statutes
2 U.S.C. § 192 ........................................................................................................................... 33
Right to Financial Privacy Act (RFPA), 12 U.S.C. § 3401 et seq. ................................. 4, 19
12 U.S.C. § 3401 ......................................................................................................... 20, 26
12 U.S.C. § 3402 ................................................................................................................ 50
12 U.S.C. § 3401(3) ............................................................................................................ 49
12 U.S.C. § 3401(4) & (5) .......................................................................................... 20, 50
12 U.S.C. § 3402(1)-(5) .............................................................................................. 19, 49
12 U.S.C. § 3403(a) ..................................................................................................... 19, 49
12 U.S.C. § 3403(b) ........................................................................................................... 49
12 U.S.C. §§ 3404-3408.............................................................................................. 19, 49
12 U.S.C. § 3405(1) ............................................................................................................ 51
12 U.S.C. § 3406(a) ............................................................................................................ 51
12 U.S.C. § 3407(1) ..................................................................................................... 20, 51
12 U.S.C. § 3407(2) ............................................................................................................ 20
vi
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12 U.S.C. § 3408(2) ............................................................................................................ 51
12 U.S.C. § 3408(3) ............................................................................................................ 51
12 U.S.C. § 3412(a) ............................................................................................................ 53
12 U.S.C. § 3412(d)............................................................................................................ 53
12 U.S.C. § 3413(j) ............................................................................................................. 53
12 U.S.C. § 3417(a) ............................................................................................................ 52
12 U.S.C. § 3417(b) ........................................................................................................... 52
18 U.S.C. § 1001 ...................................................................................................................... 55
28 U.S.C § 1292(a)(1) ................................................................................................................ 3
28 U.S.C. § 1331 ........................................................................................................................ 3
Bank Secrecy Act, 31 U.S.C. § 5311 et seq. ...................................................................... 6, 34
31 U.S.C. § 5311 .................................................................................................................. 6
31 U.S.C. § 5318(h)(1) .................................................................................................. 7, 35
Rules of the House of Representatives, 116th Cong.
House Rule X.1 .......................................................................................................................... 5
House Rule X.1(n)(1) ......................................................................................................... 5, 34
House Rule X.1(n)(3)-(6).......................................................................................................... 5
House Rule X.2 ........................................................................................................................ 34
House Rule X.2(a) ..................................................................................................................... 5
House Rule X.2(b)(1) ................................................................................................................ 6
vii
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House Rule X.3(m) ................................................................................................................... 8
House Rule X.11(a)(1) .............................................................................................................. 7
House Rule X.11(b)................................................................................................................... 7
House Rule X.11(b)(1) .............................................................................................................. 7
House Rule X.11(b)(1)(A)-(B) ............................................................................................... 37
House Rule X.11(c)(1) .............................................................................................................. 7
House Rule X.11(j)(1)(A) ......................................................................................................... 8
House Rule X.11(j)(1)(B).......................................................................................................... 8
House Rule X.11(j)(1)(D) ......................................................................................................... 8
House Rule XI.2(m)(1)(A) ....................................................................................................... 8
House Rule XI.2(m)(1)(B)........................................................................................................ 8
Legislative Authorities
165 Cong. Rec. H2697 (daily ed. Mar. 13, 2019) ................................................................ 35
165 Cong. Rec. H2698 (daily ed. Mar. 13, 2019) ........................................ 9, 10, 12, 35, 36
165 Cong. Rec. H3482 (daily ed. May 8, 2019) ...................................................... 15, 18, 39
H. Rep. No. 95-1383 (1978) ........................................................................................... 50, 54
H. Rep. No. 116-40 (2019)....................................................................................................... 6
H. Res. 6, 116th Cong. (2019) ................................................................................................. 5
H. Res. 206, 116th Cong. (2019) ................................................................................ 9, 10, 35
H. Res. 658, 95th Cong. (1977) ............................................................................................... 7
H.R. 1, 116th Cong. (2019) ............................................................................................. 19, 39
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H.R. 1404, 116th Cong. (2019).............................................................................................. 13
H.R. 1474, 116th Cong. (2019)....................................................................................... 19, 39
H.R. 1617, 116th Cong. (2019)....................................................................................... 19, 39
H.R. 2424, 116th Cong. (2019)....................................................................................... 18, 39
H.R. 2513, 116th Cong. (2019).............................................................................................. 13
H.R. 2514, 116th Cong. (2019)....................................................................................... 13, 35
Electronic Funds Transfer and Financial Privacy: Hearings on S. 2096, S. 2293 and S. 1460
Before the Subcomm. on Fin. Insts. of the Senate Comm. on Banking,
Housing and Urban Affairs, 95th Cong. (1978) ...................................................................... 54
Examining the BSA/AML Regulatory Compliance Regime: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on
Fin. Insts. & Consumer Credit of the H. Comm. on Fin. Servs., 115th Cong. (2017) ............. 13
House Permanent Select Comm. on Intelligence Minority Members, Minority Views to
the Majority-Produced “Report on Russian Active Measures” (Mar. 26, 2018),
https://tinyurl.com/HPSCIMinorityViews ........................................................................ 16
Implementation of FinCEN’s Customer Due Diligence Rule: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on
Terrorism & Illicit Fin. of the H. Comm. on Fin. Servs., 115th Cong. (2018)......................... 13
Other Authorities
Damian Paletta, How Regulators, Republicans and Big Banks Fought for a Big Increase in
Lucrative But Risky Corporate Loans, Wash. Post (Apr. 6, 2019),
https://tinyurl.com/Wash-Post-Risky-Loans .................................................................... 12
David Enrich, Deutsche Bank and Trump: $2 Billion in Loans and a Wary Board, N.Y.
Times (Mar. 18, 2019), https://tinyurl.com/NYT2BillioninLoans ................................ 12
Jonathan O’Connell et al., As the ‘King of Debt,’ Trump Borrowed to Build His Empire. Then
He Began Spending Hundreds of Millions in Cash., Wash. Post (May 5, 2018),
https://tinyurl.com/WashPostKingofDebt ....................................................................... 16
ix
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Luke Harding, Deutsche Bank Faces Action over $20 Bn Russian Money-Laundering Scheme,
Guardian (Apr. 17, 2019), https://tinyurl.com/GuardianDeutscheFacesAction ......... 11
Mark Mazzetti et al., Moscow Skyscraper Talks Continued Through ‘the Day I Won,’
Trump Is Said to Acknowledge, N.Y. Times (Jan. 20, 2019),
https://tinyurl.com/NYTMoscowSkyscraper ................................................................... 17
Michael Hirsch, How Russian Money Helped Save Trump’s Business, Foreign Pol’y
(Dec. 21, 2018, 1:31 PM), https://tinyurl.com/FPRussianMoney ................................. 16
Press Release, U.S. House of Representatives Permanent Select Comm. on
Intelligence, Chairman Schiff Statement on House Intelligence Committee
Investigation (Feb. 6, 2019), https://tinyurl.com/Feb6PressRelease
(Chairman Schiff Press Release)..................................................................................... 14, 15
Putin’s Playbook: The Kremlin’s Use of Oligarchs, Money and Intelligence in 2016 and Beyond:
Hearing Before the House Permanent Select Committee of Intelligence, 116th Cong. (2019)
(Committee on Intelligence Hearing: Putin’s Playbook) ................................................... 15
Opening statement of Adam B. Schiff, Chairman,
https://tinyurl.com/ChairmanOpeningStatement ............................................... 15, 38
Prepared statement of Steven Hall, Former Chief of Russian Operations,
Central Intelligence Agency, https://tinyurl.com/StevenHallTestimony ................ 15
Prepared statement of Michael McFaul, Former U.S. Ambassador to Russia,
https://tinyurl.com/AmbMcFaul............................................................................ 15, 17
Remarks by President Trump Before Marine One Departure, White House
(Nov. 29, 2018, 10:23 AM), https://tinyurl.com/Nov29Remarks ................................. 17
U.S. Office of Gov’t Ethics, Form 278e, 2017 Exec. Branch Personnel Public Fin.
Disclosure Report of Donald J. Trump, President (signed May 15, 2018),
https://tinyurl.com/TrumpForm278e2018........................................................................ 12
Woodrow Wilson, Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics (1913).............. 45
x
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INTRODUCTION
Congress’s power to conduct oversight and investigations is firmly rooted in its
Article I legislative authority and the constitutional separation of powers. This
“power of inquiry—with process to enforce it—is an essential and appropriate
auxiliary to the legislative function.” McGrain v. Daugherty, 273 U.S. 135, 174 (1927).
Congress’s power to investigate is inherent in the power to legislate because “[a]
legislative body cannot legislate wisely or effectively in the absence of information
respecting the conditions which the legislation is intended to affect or change.” Id. at
175. “That power is broad.” Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178, 187 (1957).
Applying this precedent, the district court explained that “there can be no doubt as to
the power of Congress, by itself or through its committees, to investigate matters and
conditions relating to contemplated legislation. This power . . . is indeed co-extensive
with the power to legislate.” JA126.
Intervenors the Committee on Financial Services of the U.S. House of
Representatives (Financial Services Committee) and Permanent Select Committee on
Intelligence of the U.S. House of Representatives (Intelligence Committee)
(collectively, Committees) are investigating serious and urgent matters concerning the
safety of certain banking practices, money laundering in the financial sector, foreign
influence in the U.S. political process, and the counterintelligence threats posed by
foreign financial leverage. These investigations relate to plaintiff-appellant President
Donald J. Trump, but they are sector-wide and extend far beyond Mr. Trump, his
Case 19-1540, Document 65, 07/11/2019, 2606510, Page13 of 90
family, and his businesses.1 The Committees each issued a subpoena to defendant
Deutsche Bank, AG, and the Financial Services Committee issued a subpoena to
defendant Capital One Financial Corporation seeking financial and account records
relating to Mr. Trump, his family members, and related entities and individuals.2 The
subpoenas are designed to obtain documents to inform the Committees’
investigations, oversight functions, and legislative judgments, and the district court
correctly held that “the committees’ subpoenas all are in furtherance of facially
legitimate legislative purposes.” JA136.
Rather than respect the Financial Services and Intelligence Committees’ duly
authorized investigations into these serious matters, which fall squarely within the
Committees’ jurisdictions, Mr. Trump and his companies have repeatedly engaged in
stonewalling intended to obstruct and undermine these inquiries. This suit is one of
Mr. Trump’s many attempts to prevent Congress from obtaining critical information
needed to make informed legislative judgments and perform meaningful oversight of
Plaintiffs-appellants are Donald J. Trump (in his individual capacity), Eric
Trump, Ivanka Trump, Donald J. Trump, Jr., Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust,
Trump Organization, Inc., Trump Organization LLC, DJT Holdings LLC, DJT
Holdings Managing Member LLC, Trump Acquisition LLC, and Trump Acquisition,
Corp. For ease of reference, this brief generally refers to plaintiffs-appellants as Mr.
Trump. Mr. Trump does not challenge the portions of the Deutsche Bank subpoena
that do not relate to plaintiffs-appellants.
2
The Committees closely coordinated to issue one comprehensive subpoena to
Deutsche Bank—with a copy issued by each Committee—seeking the documents
necessary to advance each Committee’s investigations.
1
2
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the Executive Branch. Mr. Trump’s actions reveal his fundamental misunderstanding
of the appropriate role and authority of Congress within our constitutional scheme.
Mr. Trump strains to fit the Committees’ subpoenas into one of the few
narrow exceptions to Congress’s broad power to investigate. But as the district court
concluded in rejecting those arguments, none of the exceptions applies here, and the
district court’s opinion provides convincing grounds for affirmance. Mr. Trump’s
disdain for the constitutionally based role of Congress in carrying out oversight of the
Executive Branch and for the specific investigations of the Committees here is not a
basis for this Court to hold that the district court abused its discretion in denying a
preliminary injunction. This Court should affirm that decision expeditiously so that
the Committees’ legitimate investigations can proceed. See Eastland v. U.S. Servicemen’s
Fund, 421 U.S. 491, 511 (1975) (cautioning against “the harm that judicial interference
may cause” by enjoining a Congressional subpoena for years during litigation).
Plaintiffs invoked the district court’s subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C.
§ 1331. JA16. On May 22, 2019, the district court denied plaintiffs’ motion for a
preliminary injunction. JA157. Plaintiffs filed a timely notice of interlocutory appeal
on May 24, 2019. JA159-60. This Court has jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C § 1292(a)(1).
3
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Whether the district court correctly denied Mr. Trump’s motion for a
preliminary injunction to enjoin enforcement of the Financial Services Committee’s
and the Intelligence Committee’s subpoenas.
AND HOUSE RULES
Article I, section 1 of the U.S. Constitution provides that “[a]ll legislative
Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall
consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.”
The Rulemaking Clause, U.S. Const., Art. I, § 5, cl. 2, provides in relevant part:
“Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings[.]”
The pertinent provisions of the Right to Financial Privacy Act (RFPA), 12
U.S.C. § 3401 et seq., and the House and Committee Rules are set forth in the
addendum.
A.
The Committees’ Legal Framework
The Constitution grants Congress the power to enact all federal laws. Article I,
section 1 provides that “[a]ll legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States.” U.S. Const., Art. I, § 1.
The Constitution also assigns each house of Congress authority to “determine
the Rules of its Proceedings.” U.S. Const., Art. I, § 5, cl. 2. Pursuant to this authority,
4
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the 116th Congress adopted the Rules of the House of Representatives, which govern
the House during the two-year term. See Add. 7-14.3
1.
The Financial Services Committee
House Rule X establishes the “standing committees” of the House—which
include the Financial Services Committee—and assigns each committee “jurisdiction
and related functions.” House Rule X.1 (Add. 7). The Financial Services
Committee’s legislative jurisdiction includes “[b]anks and banking, including deposit
insurance and Federal monetary policy,” “[f]inancial aid to commerce and industry,”
“[i]nsurance generally,” “[i]nternational finance,” and “[i]nternational financial and
monetary organizations.” House Rule X.1(n)(1), (3)-(6) (Add. 7).
The Financial Services Committee, like each of the standing committees, has
“general oversight responsibilities” to assist the House in “(1) its analysis, appraisal,
and evaluation of—(A) the application, administration, execution, and effectiveness of
Federal laws; and (B) conditions and circumstances that may indicate the necessity or
desirability of enacting new or additional legislation; and (2) its formulation,
consideration, and enactment of changes in Federal laws, and of such additional
legislation as may be necessary or appropriate.” House Rule X.2(a) (Add. 8). The
Financial Services Committee is thus instructed to “review and study on a continuing
basis,” among other subjects, “any conditions or circumstances that may indicate the
The House Rules were adopted by House resolution on January 9, 2019. H.
Res. 6, 116th Cong. (2019).
3
5
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necessity or desirability of enacting new or additional legislation addressing subjects
within its jurisdiction (whether or not a bill or resolution has been introduced with
respect thereto).” House Rule X.2(b)(1) (Add. 8).
Pursuant to House Rule X, clause 2, the Financial Services Committee
submitted to the full House its oversight plan for the 116th Congress. H. Rep. No.
116-40 (2019).4 This oversight plan includes investigations aimed at ensuring safe
banking practices—for example, “examining financial regulators’ supervision of the
banking, thrift and credit union industries for safety and soundness and compliance
with laws and regulations,” id. at 78, and “the implementation, effectiveness, and
enforcement of anti-money laundering/counter-financing of terrorism . . . laws and
regulations.” Id. at 84. These investigations will look for “patterns and trends of
money laundering and terrorist finance” including “in the real estate market,” and the
Financial Services Committee will consider legislative proposals to “address any
vulnerabilities identified.” Id. at 84-85.
The Financial Services Committee has jurisdiction over the Bank Secrecy Act,
31 U.S.C. § 5311 et seq., which Congress enacted “to require certain reports or records
where they have a high degree of usefulness in criminal, tax, or regulatory
investigations or proceedings, or in the conduct of intelligence or counterintelligence
activities.” 31 U.S.C. § 5311. The statute also requires that “each financial institution
The oversight plans submitted pursuant to the Rules are an initial “blueprint,”
H. Rep. No. 116-40, at 8, and are not intended to be exhaustive or restrictive.
4
6
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shall establish anti-money laundering programs.” 31 U.S.C. § 5318(h)(1). At a
minimum, these programs must provide internal controls to guard against money
laundering, including independent auditing, compliance testing, and employee
training. Id.
2.
The Intelligence Committee
House Rule X also establishes the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
and assigns it legislative jurisdiction and oversight responsibilities. House Rule
X.11(a)(1), (b) (Add. 10). The Intelligence Committee is charged with oversight of the
Intelligence Community and all intelligence-related activities and programs of the
federal government. H. Res. 658, 95th Cong. (1977).
The Intelligence Committee’s jurisdiction includes “matters relating to” “[t]he
Central Intelligence Agency, the Director of National Intelligence, and the National
Intelligence Program” and “[i]ntelligence and intelligence-related activities of all other
departments and agencies of the Government, including the tactical intelligence and
intelligence-related activities of the Department of Defense.” House Rule X.11(b)(1)
(Add. 10-11). The Intelligence Committee is directed to make “regular and periodic
reports to the House on the nature and extent of the intelligence and intelligencerelated activities of the various departments and agencies of the United States.”
House Rule X.11(c)(1) (Add. 11).
House Rule X, clause 11 broadly defines the “intelligence and intelligencerelated activities” within the Intelligence Committee’s jurisdiction to include “the
7
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collection, analysis, production, dissemination, or use of information that relates to a
foreign country, or a government, political group, party, military force, movement, or
other association in a foreign country, and that relates to the defense, foreign policy,
national security, or related policies of the United States”; “activities taken to counter
similar activities directed against the United States”; and “activities of persons within
the United States . . . whose political and related activities pose, or may be considered
. . . to pose, a threat to the internal security of the United States.” House Rule
X.11(j)(1)(A), (B), (D) (Add. 12-13).
In addition, the House Rules assign the Intelligence Committee a “special
oversight” function: “The Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence shall review
and study on a continuing basis laws, programs, and activities of the intelligence
community and shall review and study on an exclusive basis the sources and methods
of” the Central Intelligence Agency, the Director of National Intelligence, and the
National Intelligence Program. House Rule X.3(m) (Add. 10).
Both the Financial Services Committee and the Intelligence Committee are
authorized, “[f]or the purpose of carrying out any of [their] functions and duties”
under Rule X, to “hold such hearings as [the Committees] consider[] necessary.”
House Rule XI.2(m)(1)(A) (Add. 13). The Committees are also empowered “to
require, by subpoena or otherwise, the attendance and testimony of such witnesses
and the production of such books, records, correspondence, memoranda, papers, and
documents as it considers necessary.” House Rule XI.2(m)(1)(B) (Add. 13-14).
8
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B.
The Financial Services Committee’s Investigations
The Financial Services Committee is investigating serious issues regarding
financial institutions’ compliance with banking laws, including the Bank Secrecy Act,
and existing loan practices. Among other concerns, the Financial Services Committee
is examining whether current law and banking practices adequately guard against the
threat of foreign money laundering and high-risk loans. The two subpoenas
challenged here are part of this broader investigation, which also involves subpoenas
to seven other financial institutions, the majority of which do not request documents
specific to Mr. Trump.
1. As Financial Services Committee Chairwoman Maxine Waters has
explained, “[t]he movement of illicit funds throughout the global financial system
raises numerous questions regarding the actors who are involved in these money
laundering schemes and where the money is going.” 165 Cong. Rec. H2698 (daily ed.
Mar. 13, 2019). These schemes often employ anonymous corporations as vehicles to
launder illicit funds through legitimate investments and enterprises, including real
estate and other investments. H. Res. 206, 116th Cong. (2019) (“the influx of illicit
money, including from Russian oligarchs, has flowed largely unimpeded into the
United States through these anonymous shell companies and into U.S. investments,
including luxury high-end real estate”). In fact, public reports have revealed that these
types of shell companies were used to purchase various of Mr. Trump’s properties.
See Committees’ Opp., ECF No. 51, at 4-5 (May 10, 2019) (citing sources).
9
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Chairwoman Waters has made clear that these concerns are “precisely why the
Financial Services Committee is investigating the questionable financing provided to
President Trump and the Trump Organization by banks like Deutsche Bank to
finance his real estate properties.” 165 Cong. Rec. H2698.
If financial institutions are failing to detect money laundering transactions
because of shortcomings in the statute or federal regulators’ enforcement of banking
laws, Congress could strengthen the statutory regime to address those concerns.
Indeed, Chairwoman Waters has cautioned that “Congress must close the[]
loopholes.” 165 Cong. Rec. H2698; H. Res. 206 (“support[ing] efforts to close
loopholes that allow corruption, terrorism, and money laundering to infiltrate our
country’s financial system”). “Bad actors like Russian oligarchs and kleptocrats often
use anonymous shell companies and all-cash schemes to buy and sell commercial and
residential real estate to hide and clean their money. Today, these all-cash schemes
are exempt from the Bank Secrecy Act.” 165 Cong. Rec. H2698.
The Financial Services Committee’s industry-wide investigations involve
various banks, including Deutsche Bank and Capital One, that have reportedly played
a role in recent money-laundering schemes or failed to implement adequate antimoney laundering controls. Deutsche Bank was fined by regulators for its role in
facilitating a $10 billion so-called Russian “mirror trading” money-laundering scheme,
see 165 Cong. Rec. H2698, and was reportedly a conduit for the laundering of over
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$20 billion in rubles out of Russia.5 Capital One recently entered a consent order with
the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency and agreed to pay a fine of $100
million for failing to correct critical deficiencies in its Bank Secrecy Act and antimoney laundering programs.6
To understand and address the problem of money-laundering in the financial
sector, including through real estate transactions, the Financial Services Committee is
analyzing the banks’ practices generally and as applied to specific accounts and
transactions. This analysis requires documents showing both the sources and flows of
funds, as well as the banks’ due diligence. The Financial Services Committee
subpoenaed documents from Deutsche Bank and Capital One that will identify any
failures in the banks’ practices or anti-money laundering programs, including whether
any illicit transactions related to Mr. Trump, his family, or his businesses—longtime
clients of those banks. To further these investigations, the subpoenaed documents
include account opening, closing, and due diligence records (JA37, JA52), periodic
account statements showing incoming and outgoing transfers and documents relating
to transfers over $10,000 (JA38, JA52-53), suspicious activity reports (JA38, JA53),
and internal bank reviews of the relevant accounts (JA40, 53). In addition, the Capital
Luke Harding, Deutsche Bank Faces Action over $20 Bn Russian Money-Laundering
Scheme, Guardian (Apr. 17, 2019),
https://tinyurl.com/GuardianDeutscheFacesAction.
6
In re Capital One, N.A. McLean, Virginia Capital One Bank (U.S.A.), N.A. Glen
Allen, Virginia, Enforcement Action No. 2018-080, 2018 WL 5384428, at *1-2,
(O.C.C. Oct. 23, 2018).
5
11
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One subpoena requests documents relating “to any real estate transaction.” JA53. As
Chairwoman Waters has noted, 165 Cong. Rec. H2698, these documents will inform
the Financial Services Committee’s investigations into the sufficiency of the banks’
anti-money laundering programs.
2. The Financial Services Committee is also investigating the lending practices
of financial institutions, including Deutsche Bank and Capital One, for loans issued to
Mr. Trump’s family and businesses. As recently reported, over the past two years,
numerous financial institutions have issued a total of more than $1 trillion in large
corporate loans (called leveraged loans) to heavily indebted companies that may be
unable to repay those loans.7 Over the years, Deutsche Bank, for example, has
reportedly provided more than $2 billion in loans to Mr. Trump, despite concerns
raised by senior Deutsche Bank officials about some of the loans.8 Indeed, the
statutorily required financial disclosure forms filed by President Trump in May 2018
showed liabilities of at least $130 million owed to Deutsche Bank.9
These reports raise troubling questions about whether current law is adequate
to ensure safe lending practices, particularly with high-profile clients, such as Mr.
See Damian Paletta, How Regulators, Republicans and Big Banks Fought for a Big
Increase in Lucrative But Risky Corporate Loans, Wash. Post (Apr. 6, 2019),
https://tinyurl.com/Wash-Post-Risky-Loans.
8
See David Enrich, Deutsche Bank and Trump: $2 Billion in Loans and a Wary Board,
N.Y. Times (Mar. 18, 2019), https://tinyurl.com/NYT2BillioninLoans.
9
U.S. Office of Gov’t Ethics, Form 278e, 2017 Exec. Branch Personnel Public
Fin. Disclosure Report of Donald J. Trump, President 45 (signed May 15, 2018),
https://tinyurl.com/TrumpForm278e2018.
7
12
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Trump. The subpoenas to Capital One and Deutsche Bank request any documents
relating to such loans for the relevant accounts (JA38, JA53), which could illuminate
the soundness of the banks’ lending practices and whether changes in the laws
governing such loans are needed.
3. The Financial Services Committee has held hearings on the adequacy of the
policies and programs at financial institutions that are the subject of these
investigations and is considering legislative solutions to combat financial crime,
including money laundering.10 Those legislative proposals include:
A bill to reform corporate beneficial ownership disclosures and increase
transparency, H.R. 2513, 116th Cong. (2019);
A bill to strengthen the Bank Secrecy Act and anti-money laundering
laws, including by improving federal agency oversight of financial
institutions, H.R. 2514, 116th Cong. (2019); and
A bill to require Executive Branch agencies to submit an assessment to
Congress regarding the financial holdings of Russian President Vladimir
Putin and top Kremlin-connected oligarchs, H.R. 1404, 116th Cong.
(2019) (passed by the House on March 12, 2019).
Examining the BSA/AML Regulatory Compliance Regime: Hearing Before the
Subcomm. on Fin. Insts. & Consumer Credit of the H. Comm. on Fin. Servs., 115th Cong.
(2017); Implementation of FinCEN’s Customer Due Diligence Rule: Hearing Before the
Subcomm. on Terrorism & Illicit Fin. of the H. Comm. on Fin. Servs., 115th Cong. (2018).
10
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C.
The Intelligence Committee’s Investigation
The Intelligence Committee is investigating the counterintelligence risks from
efforts by Russia and other foreign powers to influence the U.S. political process
during and since the 2016 election—including financial leverage that foreign actors
may have over Mr. Trump, his family, and his businesses—and considering legislative
reforms to address these risks. The Intelligence Committee is also evaluating whether
the structure, legal authorities, policies, and resources of the federal agencies tasked
with intelligence, counterintelligence, and law enforcement are adequate to combat
such threats to national security.11
1. As Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff has explained, the
Committee is investigating, among other things: (1) “[t]he extent of any links and/or
coordination between the Russian government, or related foreign actors, and
individuals associated with Donald Trump’s campaign, transition, administration, or
business interests, in furtherance of the Russian government’s interests”;
(2) “[w]hether any foreign actor has sought to compromise or holds leverage, financial
or otherwise, over Donald Trump, his family, his business, or his associates”; and
(3) “[w]hether President Trump, his family, or his associates are or were at any time at
heightened risk of, or vulnerable to, foreign exploitation, inducement, manipulation,
Press Release, U.S. House of Representatives Permanent Select Comm. on
Intelligence, Chairman Schiff Statement on House Intelligence Committee
Investigation (Feb. 6, 2019), https://tinyurl.com/Feb6PressRelease (Chairman Schiff
Press Release).
11
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pressure, or coercion, or have sought to influence U.S. government policy in service
of foreign interests.” Chairman Schiff Press Release; see 165 Cong. Rec. H3482 (daily
ed. May 8, 2019).
As part of its investigation, the Committee is examining whether Mr. Trump’s
long history of foreign business deals and foreign financial ties, including in Russia,
were part of Russia’s efforts to entangle business and political leaders in corrupt
activity or otherwise obtain leverage over them. On March 28, 2019, the Committee
held a hearing to “discuss how the Kremlin uses financial leverage and corruption as
tools of intelligence operations and foreign policy,” including “the use of financial
entanglements as a means of compromise.”12 Former U.S. Ambassador to Russia
Michael McFaul testified that “in parallel with Putin’s use of money, corruption, and
property rights as instruments for governing inside Russia, the Russian government
instructs its economic actors to make deals with foreign entities to establish increased
leverage and influence within these countries.”13
Putin’s Playbook: The Kremlin’s Use of Oligarchs, Money and Intelligence in 2016 and
Beyond: Hearing Before the House Permanent Select Committee of Intelligence, 116th Cong.
(2019) (Committee on Intelligence Hearing: Putin’s Playbook) (opening statement of
Adam B. Schiff, Chairman, at 1, https://tinyurl.com/ChairmanOpeningStatement); id.
(prepared statement of Steven Hall, Former Chief of Russian Operations, Central
Intelligence Agency at 3-4, https://tinyurl.com/StevenHallTestimony).
13
Id. (prepared statement of Michael McFaul, Former U.S. Ambassador to
Russia at 8, https://tinyurl.com/AmbMcFaul).
12
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For decades, Mr. Trump’s business interests have intersected with Russialinked entities and individuals, including oligarchs with ties to President Vladimir
Putin.14 As discussed above, Deutsche Bank—which also had significant ties to
Russian state institutions—has long served as a lender of last resort for Mr. Trump,
extending loans totaling more than $2 billion. Supra p. 12.
In addition, around 2006, Mr. Trump embarked on a multi-year spending spree,
apparently spending more than $400 million in cash on various properties. See ECF
No. 51, at 8 (discussing background and citing sources).15 These cash outlays
occurred during a period in which the Trump Organization was reportedly
experiencing significant cash inflows from Russian sources.16 It has also been
reported that wealthy Russians and individuals from former Soviet states used Trumpbranded real estate to park—and in some cases launder—large sums of money for
over a decade.17 More recently, Mr. Trump secretly pursued a lucrative licensing deal
for Trump Tower Moscow—a deal that involved outreach by Mr. Trump’s associate
House Permanent Select Comm. on Intelligence Minority Members, Minority
Views to the Majority-Produced “Report on Russian Active Measures” 23-24 (Mar. 26, 2018),
https://tinyurl.com/HPSCIMinorityViews; see also Bean LLC v. John Doe Bank, 291 F.
Supp. 3d 34, 38 (D.D.C. 2018).
15
Jonathan O’Connell et al., As the ‘King of Debt,’ Trump Borrowed to Build His
Empire. Then He Began Spending Hundreds of Millions in Cash., Wash. Post (May 5, 2018),
https://tinyurl.com/WashPostKingofDebt.
16
See Michael Hirsch, How Russian Money Helped Save Trump’s Business, Foreign
Pol’y (Dec. 21, 2018, 1:31 PM), https://tinyurl.com/FPRussianMoney.
17
Id.
14
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to the Russian government and would have required Kremlin approval—through at
least June 2016, after Mr. Trump had effectively secured the Republican presidential
nomination.18 At the same time, Mr. Trump was advocating policies favored by
Russia and praising President Putin on the campaign trail.19 It is unclear whether the
Trump Tower Moscow deal remains latent.20
To understand Mr. Trump’s foreign financial ties and the extent of foreign
powers’ financial leverage over him, the Intelligence Committee subpoenaed
Deutsche Bank records relating to Mr. Trump, his family members, and affiliated
entities. The subpoenaed documents include: bank and brokerage account records
(JA37-39); mortgages, loans, and lines of credit records (JA38); internal Deutsche
Bank reviews concerning the accounts (JA38, JA40); suspicious activity reporting
(JA38, JA40); and documents from the files of relationship managers and bankers
who served Mr. Trump, his family, and related entities (JA40-41). The subpoena
specifically seeks documents showing all financial ties between Mr. Trump, his family,
and entities and any foreign individuals, entities, or governments. JA39. The
subpoenaed documents will aid the Intelligence Committee in investigating whether
Mark Mazzetti et al., Moscow Skyscraper Talks Continued Through ‘the Day I Won,’
Trump Is Said to Acknowledge, N.Y. Times (Jan. 20, 2019),
https://tinyurl.com/NYTMoscowSkyscraper.
19
Committee on Intelligence Hearing: Putin’s Playbook (prepared statement of
Michael McFaul, Former U.S. Ambassador to Russia, at 9-10,
https://tinyurl.com/AmbMcFaul).
20
See Remarks by President Trump Before Marine One Departure, White House (Nov.
29, 2018, 10:23 AM), https://tinyurl.com/Nov29Remarks.
18
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Mr. Trump is subject to foreign leverage by illuminating the extent and details of Mr.
Trump’s financial dealings with Russia and other foreign countries in the years leading
up to and including his presidency.
As Chairman Schiff has explained, this investigation and the requested financial
information concerning Mr. Trump, will inform the Committee’s consideration of
legislative reforms and its oversight of the intelligence community. The subpoena to
Deutsche Bank is “vital to fully identify the scope of this threat” of foreign financial
leverage and “essential to . . . devise effective legislative changes, policy reforms, and
appropriations priorities.” 165 Cong. Rec. H3482. The investigation “will inform a
wide-range of legislation and appropriations decisions,” including, for example, to
expose “conflicts of interest that arise from financial entanglements of individuals
responsible for [the Nation’s] foreign policy,” to prevent foreign governments from
“us[ing] American corporations to secretly funnel donations or engage in money
laundering,” and to “[s]trengthen legal authorities and capabilities for our intelligence
and law enforcement agencies to better track illicit financial flows.” Id.
2. The Intelligence Committee’s investigations will inform numerous legislative
proposals to protect the U.S. political process from the threat of foreign influence and
strengthen national security, including:
A bill to require federal campaign officials to notify law enforcement if
offered assistance by agents of another government and to report all
meetings with foreign agents, H.R. 2424, 116th Cong. (2019);
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A bill to require the Director of National Intelligence to submit to
Congress intelligence assessments of Russian intentions relating to
North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Western allies, H.R. 1617, 116th
Cong. (2019) (passed the House on March 12, 2019);
A bill to require an intelligence threat assessment prior to every federal
general election, H.R. 1474, 116th Cong. (2019); and
A bill to improve election security and oversight and provide for national
strategy and enforcement to combat foreign interference, H.R. 1, 116th
Cong. (2019) (passed the House on March 8, 2019).
D.
The Right To Financial Privacy Act
Mr. Trump has invoked the Right to Financial Privacy Act (RFPA), 12 U.S.C.
§ 3401 et seq., to challenge the subpoenas at issue. This 1978 statute restricts certain
government entities from obtaining customer records from financial institutions.
RFPA prohibits a financial institution’s disclosure of customer financial records “to
any Government authority . . . except in accordance with the provisions of this
chapter.” Id. § 3403(a).
RFPA provides that “no Government authority may have access to or obtain
copies of” a customer’s financial records from a financial institution, unless the
customer has authorized disclosure or the disclosure is in response to a subpoena,
search warrant, or formal written request and complies with additional requirements.
12 U.S.C. § 3402(1)-(5); see also id. §§ 3404-3408. For example, RFPA provides that a
19
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“Government authority” may obtain a customer’s financial records pursuant to a
judicial subpoena only if “such subpoena is authorized by law and there is reason to
believe that the records sought are relevant to a legitimate law enforcement inquiry.”
Id. § 3407(1). In addition, the customer must be provided with notice of the
subpoena and an opportunity to object. Id. § 3407(2).
RFPA’s disclosure restrictions thus apply when the “financial records of any
customer” are sought by a “Government authority.” The term “Government
authority” is statutorily defined as “any agency or department of the United States, or
any officer, employee, or agent thereof.” 12 U.S.C. § 3401. RFPA defines
“customer” as a “person or authorized representative of that person,” and further
defines “person” as “an individual or a partnership of five or fewer individuals.” Id.
§ 3401(4) & (5). Accordingly, RFPA applies when an agency or department of the
United States seeks the financial records of an individual or partnership of five or
fewer people.
E.
Procedural History Of This Litigation
Mr. Trump filed this suit seeking an injunction against enforcement of the
Financial Services Committee’s subpoena to Capital One and the Financial Services
and Intelligence Committees’ subpoenas to Deutsche Bank. Following a hearing, the
district court issued an opinion from the bench and denied Mr. Trump’s motion for a
preliminary injunction. JA117-56 (opinion); JA157 (order).
20
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The district court held that plaintiffs “are unlikely to succeed on the merits of
their claims.” JA120. The court questioned “whether plaintiffs may show entitlement
to injunctive relief merely by showing serious questions going to the merits” because
they seek to stay government action, JA146, but held that plaintiffs had failed to
satisfy even that lower bar, JA120. The court concluded that the questions presented
“are not sufficiently serious in light of Supreme Court precedent” governing
Congressional subpoena enforcement and “the plain text of the Right to Financial
Privacy Act.” Id. To the contrary, “the Supreme Court has likely foreclosed the path
plaintiffs ask this Court to travel.” JA150. The court found “that plaintiffs have
shown a likelihood of irreparable harm absent an injunction” (JA123), but that the
balance of hardships did not weigh in Mr. Trump’s favor (JA150).
On the merits of Mr. Trump’s subpoena enforcement challenge, the court
explained that “there can be no doubt as to the power of Congress, by itself or
through its committees, to investigate matters and conditions relating to contemplated
legislation.” JA126. “[T]he wisdom of congressional approach or methodology is not
open to judicial veto, nor is the legitimacy of a congressional inquiry to be defined by
what it produces.” JA138 (quoting Eastland v. U.S. Servicemen’s Fund, 421 U.S. 491, 509
(1975)).
Applying these principles, the court held that the challenged subpoenas were
issued “in furtherance of a legitimate legislative purpose, plainly related to the subjects
on which legislation can be had.” JA133, JA135. Mr. Trump was therefore “highly
21
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unlikely to succeed on the merits of [the] constitutional claim.” JA146. The court
noted that the Financial Services Committee “is investigating whether existing policies
and programs at financial institutions are adequate to ensure the safety and soundness
of lending practices, and the prevention of loan fraud.” JA131. The Intelligence
Committee is investigating efforts by Russia to influence the U.S. political process,
financial leverage that foreign actors may have over Mr. Trump, and whether the
United States has adequate resources to combat such threats. JA134.
The district court rejected Mr. Trump’s argument that the Committees were
merely investigating “a private citizen,” explaining that “Congress’ investigative power
is not judged in a vacuum.” JA135. The court also found “unpersuasive” (JA137)
Mr. Trump’s argument that the subpoenas were too broad, explaining that the
Supreme Court has adopted a “forgiving” standard and the records are “not plainly
incompetent or irrelevant to any lawful purpose.” Id. (quoting McPhaul v. United States,
364 U.S. 372, 381 (1960)). The court held that these subpoenas, “while undeniably
broad, [are] clearly pertinent to the [C]ommittees’ legitimate legislative purposes.”
JA138 (declining to “engage in a line-by-line review of the subpoenas’ requests”).
The district court further rejected Mr. Trump’s challenge that the Committees
had not identified specific legislative proposals within their jurisdictions because “the
subject of the congressional inquiry simply must be one ‘on which legislation could be
had.’” JA139. The court rejected Mr. Trump’s argument that the Committees were
impermissibly engaged in law enforcement activities. JA141-42. And the court
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declined Mr. Trump’s invitation to examine the Committees’ motives, explaining that
courts “should not look behind the legitimate legislative purpose.” JA142.
On the merits of Mr. Trump’s RFPA claim, the district court held that
Congress did not fall within the statutory definition of “government authority,” which
is an “agency or department of the United States.” JA124. “[T]he structure and
context of the RFPA makes clear that Congress did not believe it was binding itself”
to the statute’s restrictions. JA125.
Finally, the district court held that Mr. Trump had “failed to establish that the
balance of equities and hardships, along with the public interest, favor a preliminary
injunction.” JA151. As the court explained, “delaying what is likely lawful legislative
activity is inequitable” (id.), particularly because “the House of Representatives is not a
‘continuing body,’ [and] any delay in the proceedings may result in irreparable harm to
the committees” (JA152 (citation omitted)). The court found a clear public interest
“in expeditious and unimpeded Congressional investigations into core aspects of the
financial and election systems,” and held that “the public interest weighs strongly
against a preliminary injunction.” JA153.
The district court correctly held that Mr. Trump is not entitled to the
extraordinary relief of a preliminary injunction to impede legitimate Congressional
investigations on issues of national importance. As the Supreme Court has reiterated
over the decades, Congress has broad authority to investigate. This authority is a
23
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necessary element of Congress’s Article I power to legislate: effective and wise
legislation requires information. The Supreme Court has stressed in numerous rulings
that Congress may compel responses to its subpoenas in furtherance of legitimate
legislative purposes. These basic principles are undisputed, and they govern this case,
as the district court held.
The district court correctly found that “the committees have exercised their
legitimate powers in issuing the challenged subpoenas” and that Mr. Trump is “highly
unlikely to succeed on the merits of the[] constitutional challenge.” JA146. The
Committees are investigating subjects “on which legislation could be had.” McGrain v.
Daugherty, 273 U.S. 135, 177 (1927).
As described above, the Financial Services Committee is conducting industrywide investigations concerning the integrity of the U.S. financial system, including
money laundering and bank lending practices. These investigations are predicated, in
part, on public reports that have raised serious questions about the efficacy of
Deutsche Bank’s and Capital One’s anti-money laundering programs, and whether any
illicit transactions may have touched accounts maintained at those institutions by Mr.
Trump, his family, or his businesses, as well as the soundness of the banks’ lending
practices. In furtherance of its investigations, the Financial Services Committee
subpoenaed documents from Deutsche Bank and Capital One—and seven other
financial institutions—to inform its legislative judgment concerning potential changes
to the banking laws.
24
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The Intelligence Committee is simultaneously investigating counterintelligence
risks arising from efforts by Russia and other foreign powers to influence the U.S.
political process during and since the 2016 election—including financial leverage that
foreign actors may have over Mr. Trump, his family, and his business. In connection
with this investigation, the Intelligence Committee is evaluating whether the current
structure, legal authorities, and resources of the federal agencies tasked with
intelligence, counterintelligence, and law enforcement are adequate to combat such
threats to national security. The Intelligence Committee subpoenaed documents from
Deutsche Bank to shed light on these issues and inform its legislative judgment.
Mr. Trump nevertheless urges that the subpoenas are invalid because they lack
a legitimate legislative purpose and are overbroad. Mr. Trump erroneously attempts
to conflate Congressional subpoenas issued pursuant to Congress’s Article I authority
with discovery subpoenas issued in civil court litigation. This flawed argument
reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of how Congress functions and its
Constitutionally based investigative powers: Congressional subpoenas serve entirely
different purposes from those in civil litigation and lawfully can be much broader.
Mr. Trump’s additional attempts to shoehorn this case into one of the narrow
exceptions to Congress’s broad investigatory authority fare no better. That a
Congressional investigation may reveal unlawful conduct does not mean that the
investigation is law enforcement activity, as Mr. Trump contends. Nor does the fact
that the Financial Services Committee seeks documents relating to Mr. Trump, as part
25
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of a broader investigation into sector-wide concerns, or that the Intelligence
Committee requests records relating to domestic transactions in addition to
international transactions, in any way undermine the validity of the subpoenas.
As the district court concluded, Mr. Trump cannot succeed on his RFPA
challenge to the subpoenas because RFPA does not apply to Congressional requests
for financial records. JA125. The statute’s plain text, context, and legislative history
establish that Congress is not a “government authority” as that term is defined in the
statute. 12 U.S.C. § 3401.
Finally, the district court did not clearly err in finding that the balance of the
equities and hardships and the public interest weigh against a preliminary injunction.
JA151-53. As the court explained, “delaying what is likely lawful legislative activity is
inequitable.” JA152. Mr. Trump cannot overcome the compelling public interest in
expeditious and unimpeded Congressional investigations into core aspects of the
financial system and national security that touch every member of the public.
A ruling here in Mr. Trump’s favor would disregard nearly a century of
Supreme Court precedent. This Court should expeditiously affirm the district court’s
denial of Mr. Trump’s motion for a preliminary injunction. The Committees have
essential work to do on behalf of the American people, and Mr. Trump’s efforts to
sabotage that work must be rejected.
26
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This Court reviews a district court’s denial of a preliminary injunction for abuse
of discretion and reviews the district court’s legal rulings de novo. North Am. Soccer
League, LLC v. United States Soccer Fed’n, Inc., 883 F.3d 32, 36 (2d Cir. 2018).
ARGUMENT
The law does not entitle Mr. Trump to the “extraordinary and drastic remedy,”
Munaf v. Geren, 553 U.S. 674, 689-90 (2008), of a preliminary injunction to prevent
Deutsche Bank and Capital One from complying with valid Congressional subpoenas.
Ordinarily, to obtain a preliminary injunction, a plaintiff “must establish that he is
likely to succeed on the merits, that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the
absence of preliminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and that an
injunction is in the public interest.” N.Y. Progress & Prot. PAC v. Walsh, 733 F.3d 483,
486 (2d Cir. 2013) (quoting Winter v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20 (2008)).
Mr. Trump invokes a different but related standard, arguing that he can show
“sufficiently serious questions going to the merits of [his] claims to make them fair
ground for litigation, plus a balance of the hardships tipping decidedly in favor of the
moving party.” Otoe-Missouria Tribe of Indians v. New York State Dep’t of Fin. Servs., 769
F.3d 105, 110 (2d Cir. 2014) (quotation marks omitted). This standard should not
apply here because the Committees are exercising their Article I authority to examine
issues of national importance and, as the court noted, “[a] plaintiff cannot rely on the
‘fair-ground-for-litigation’ alternative to challenge ‘governmental action taken in the
27
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public interest pursuant to a statutory or regulatory scheme.’” JA146-47; OtoeMissouria Tribe of Indians, 769 F.3d at 110. Mr. Trump cannot satisfy either standard.
I.
THE COMMITTEES’ SUBPOENAS ARE VALID AND ENFORCEABLE
A.
Mr. Trump’s Constitutional Challenge To The Subpoenas Fails
1. Congress’s power to investigate is broad
As explained above, Article I of the Constitution grants Congress “[a]ll
legislative Powers.” U.S. Const., Art. I, § 1. In McGrain v. Daugherty, 273 U.S. 135
(1927), the Supreme Court held “that the power of inquiry—with process to enforce
it—is an essential and appropriate auxiliary to the legislative function.” Id. at 174.
“This power, deeply rooted in American and English institutions, is indeed coextensive with the power to legislate.” Quinn v. United States, 349 U.S. 155, 160 (1955).
The Supreme Court has emphasized that, “[w]ithout the power to investigate—
including of course the authority to compel testimony, either through its own
processes or through judicial trial—Congress could be seriously handicapped in its
efforts to exercise its constitutional function wisely and effectively.” Id. at 160-61.
The law governing Congress’s power to investigate is well settled, but the
Supreme Court’s decision in McGrain bears emphasis given its resonance with the
facts here. McGrain involved a Senate select committee’s investigation of whether
then-Attorney General Harry M. Daugherty had failed to properly prosecute alleged
conspirators for the corrupt handling of oil leases in the Teapot Dome scandal.
McGrain, 273 U.S. at 151-52. The Senate committee subpoenaed testimony from the
28
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Attorney General’s brother, who failed to appear. Id. at 152-53. The Senate issued a
warrant and the sergeant at arms took him into custody, but the district court granted
a writ of habeas corpus, holding that the Senate had “exceeded its powers under the
Constitution.” Id. at 154. The McGrain district court’s reasoning deserves close
attention because the Supreme Court unanimously rejected it:
The extreme personal cast of the original resolutions; the
spirit of hostility towards the then Attorney General which
they breathe; that it was not avowed that legislative action
was had in view until after the action of the Senate had been
challenged; and that the avowal then was coupled with an
avowal that other action was had in view—are calculated to
create the impression that the idea of legislative action being
in contemplation was an afterthought.
Id. at 176 (quoting Ex parte Daugherty, 299 F. 620, 638 (S.D. Ohio 1924)).
Significantly, the McGrain district court concluded that the Senate was not
investigating “the Attorney General’s office,” but rather “the former attorney
general,” and by “put[ting] him on trial before it,” the Senate was “exercising the
judicial function,” which “it has no power to do.” 273 U.S. at 177.
The Supreme Court held that the district “court’s ruling on this question was
wrong.” McGrain, 273 U.S. at 177. The Court acknowledged that the Senate’s
resolution authorizing the investigation “does not in terms avow that it is intended to
be in aid of legislation.” Id. But even in the absence of an express statement of
legislative purpose, the Court concluded that the investigation was legitimate because
“the subject was one of which legislation could be had.” Id. (emphasis added). Because
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“[t]he only legitimate object the Senate could have in ordering the investigation was to
aid it in legislating,” the Court stressed that “the presumption should be indulged that
this was the real object.” Id. at 178.
In upholding the subpoena as a valid exercise of the Senate’s authority, the
Supreme Court rejected Mr. Daugherty’s argument that “this power of inquiry, if
sustained may be abusively and oppressively exerted.” McGrain, 273 U.S. at 175. The
Court explained that “[t]he same contention might be directed against the power to
legislate, and of course would be unavailing.” Id. The Court similarly dismissed the
contention that the Senate was improperly attempting to try the Attorney General,
stressing that it was not a “valid objection to the investigation that it might possibly
disclose crime or wrongdoing on his part.” Id. at 179-80.
The Supreme Court in McGrain distinguished its earlier decision in Kilbourn v.
Thompson, 103 U.S. 168 (1880), which had held that the House exceeded its authority
in investigating a bankruptcy settlement where the United States was a dissatisfied
creditor, and the settlement was “subject to examination and approval or disapproval
by the bankruptcy court.” McGrain, 273 U.S. at 170. The Court explained that the
bankruptcy settlement was not a matter “in respect to which valid legislation could be
had” because the case was “still pending in the bankruptcy court” and “the United
States and other creditors were free to press their claims in that proceeding.” Id. at
171. In these narrow circumstances, the Supreme Court held that the House had
exceeded the limits of its authority and “assumed a power which could only be
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properly exercised by another branch of the government, because it was in its nature
clearly judicial.” Kilbourn, 103 U.S. at 192; United States v. Rumely, 345 U.S. 41, 46
(1953) (noting that Kilbourn has been subject to “weighty criticism” and “inroads . . .
have been made upon [Kilbourn] by later cases”).
The Supreme Court’s subsequent decisions have reaffirmed the broad scope of
Congress’s power to investigate. That power “encompasses inquiries concerning the
administration of existing laws as well as proposed or possibly needed statutes. It
includes surveys of defects in our social, economic or political system for the purpose
of enabling the Congress to remedy them.” Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178, 187
(1957). “It comprehends probes into departments of the Federal Government to
expose corruption, inefficiency or waste.” Id. The scope of Congress’s “power of
inquiry, in short, is as penetrating and far-reaching as the potential power to enact and
appropriate under the Constitution.” Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U.S. 109, 111
(1959); Eastland v. U.S. Servicemen’s Fund, 421 U.S. 491, 504 n.15 (1975) (same).
The Supreme Court has made clear that the “legitimacy of a congressional
inquiry” is not “to be defined by what it produces.” Eastland, 421 U.S. at 509. “The
very nature of the investigative function—like any research—is that it takes the
searchers up some ‘blind alleys’ and into nonproductive enterprises. To be a valid
legislative inquiry there need be no predictable end result.” Id.; see also Bean LLC v.
John Doe Bank, 291 F. Supp. 3d 34, 44 (D.D.C. 2018) (explaining that the court
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“will not—and indeed, may not—engage in a line-by-line review of the Committee’s
requests” (citing McSurely v. McClellan, 521 F.2d 1024, 1041 (D.C. Cir. 1975)).
In determining whether a Congressional inquiry is legitimate, courts “do not
look to the motives alleged to have prompted it.” Eastland, 421 U.S. at 508. Instead,
courts assume—as the district court did here—“that the committees of Congress will
exercise their powers responsibly and with due regard for the rights of affected
parties.” Exxon Corp. v. FTC, 589 F.2d 582, 589 (D.C. Cir. 1978). Thus, “[s]o long as
Congress acts in pursuance of its constitutional power, the Judiciary lacks authority to
intervene on the basis of the motives which spurred the exercise of that power.”
Barenblatt, 360 U.S. at 132. As the district court explained, the court’s function is “not
to be found in testing the motives of committee members.” JA143; Watkins, 354 U.S.
at 200 (“Their motives alone would not vitiate an investigation which had been
instituted by a House of Congress if that assembly’s legislative purpose is being
served.”).
While Congress’s power to investigate is “broad,” Watkins, 354 U.S. at 187, it is
not unlimited. The Supreme Court has recognized that Congress lacks the “general
authority to expose the private affairs of individuals without justification in terms of
the functions of Congress.” Id. There is thus “no congressional power to expose for
the sake of exposure.” Id. at 200 (explaining that the public’s right to be informed
about the “workings of its government” “cannot be inflated into a general power to
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expose where the predominant result can only be an invasion of the private rights of
individuals” (emphasis added)).
In addition, Congress may not exercise “the powers of law enforcement,”
which are assigned “to the Executive and the Judiciary.” Quinn, 349 U.S. at 161. But
“[t]o find that a committee’s investigation has exceeded the bounds of legislative
power it must be obvious that there was a usurpation of functions exclusively vested in
the Judiciary or the Executive.” Tenney v. Brandhove, 341 U.S. 367, 378 (1951)
(emphasis added). Finally, the Supreme Court has stated that Congress cannot
investigate “an area in which Congress is forbidden to legislate.” Quinn, 349 U.S. at
161 & n.23 (citing Rumely, 345 U.S. at 46).
Mr. Trump argues (Br. 21, 27-28) that “pertinency” is a further limitation on
Congress’s power to subpoena records. The concept of “pertinency” arises in
criminal cases involving noncompliance with a Congressional subpoena because the
relevant statute criminalizes the “refus[al] to answer any question pertinent to the question
under inquiry.” 2 U.S.C. § 192 (emphasis added); Russell v. United States, 369 U.S. 749,
756-57 (1962) (pertinency is “the basic preliminary question . . . in determining
whether a criminal offense had been alleged or proved”). But even where pertinency
applies to determine criminal responsibility for failing to comply with a Congressional
subpoena, the standard “is a forgiving one.” JA137. The records must not be
“plainly incompetent or irrelevant to any lawful purpose (of the Subcommittee) in the
discharge of (its) duties,” but must be “reasonably relevant to the inquiry.” McPhaul v.
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United States, 364 U.S. 372, 381 (1960) (quotation marks omitted). As the district court
found, the subpoenaed documents here are “clearly pertinent to the [C]ommittees’
legitimate legislative purposes.” JA138.
2.
The Financial Services and Intelligence Committees’
subpoenas unquestionably have legitimate legislative
purposes
The district court correctly concluded that “the [C]ommittees’ subpoenas all are
in furtherance of facially legitimate legislative purposes.” JA136.
Financial Services Committee. As set forth in detail above, the Financial
Services Committee is investigating, among other issues, “industry-wide compliance
with banking statutes and regulations, particularly anti-money laundering policies”
(JA132), and “whether existing policies and programs at financial institutions are
adequate to ensure the safety and soundness of lending practices, and the prevention
of loan fraud” (JA131). These issues are squarely within the Committee’s legislative
jurisdiction over “[b]anks and banking, including deposit insurance and Federal
monetary policy,” under House Rule X.1(n)(1) (Add. 7), and its general oversight
responsibility under House Rule X.2 (Add. 8-9).
The Financial Services Committee has jurisdiction over the Bank Secrecy Act,
31 U.S.C. § 5311 et seq., which imposes reporting requirements on financial
institutions to support law enforcement and counter-intelligence activities. United
States v. Goldberg, 756 F.2d 949, 954 (2d Cir. 1985). The statute requires that “each
financial institution shall establish anti-money laundering programs,” that must
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provide internal controls to guard against money laundering. 31 U.S.C. § 5318(h)(1).
The Financial Services Committee is investigating banks’ compliance with the statute
to inform its legislative judgment about strengthening this anti-money laundering
regime. See, e.g., H.R. 2514, 116th Cong. (2019).
The Financial Services Committee’s subpoenas to Deutsche Bank and Capital
One are part of this industry-wide investigation. Both banks have reportedly
experienced significant failures in their anti-money laundering programs. Deutsche
Bank was fined by regulators for its role in a $10 billion Russian “mirror trading”
scheme and was reportedly a conduit for billions of dollars laundered out of Russia.
Capital One recently agreed to pay a $100 million fine to federal regulators for failures
in its Bank Secrecy Act and anti-money laundering programs. Supra p. 11.
To understand how these money-laundering schemes escape detection—and
whether changes in the law could improve anti-money laundering programs—the
Financial Services Committee must trace the illicit transactions from their sources to
their endpoints, and the subpoenas at issue are designed to obtain documents that will
aid the Financial Services Committee in doing so. See JA38 (requesting documents
relating to transfers greater than $10,000); JA52-53 (similar).
Relatedly, as Chairwoman Waters has explained, the Financial Services
Committee is examining the use of anonymous shell corporations to launder money
through real estate and other legitimate investments. 165 Cong. Rec. H2697, H2698
(daily ed. Mar. 13, 2019); see also H. Res. 206, 116th Cong. (2019). As Chairwoman
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Waters observed, these schemes have been used by “[b]ad actors” to launder money,
including through real estate, and “[t]oday, these all-cash schemes are exempt from
the Bank Secrecy Act.” 165 Cong. Rec. H2698. Public reports have revealed that
these types of shell companies have been used to purchase various of Mr. Trump’s
properties. And Mr. Trump, his family, and his businesses are longtime clients of
Deutsche Bank and Capital One. Thus, “the public record establishes that [plaintiffs]
serve as a useful case study for the broader problems being examined by the
Committee.” JA133.
The Financial Services Committee has issued subpoenas for documents that
will allow the Committee to evaluate Deutsche Bank’s and Capital One’s anti-money
laundering compliance programs. These records include the banks’ internal analysis
of accounts—such as Mr. Trump’s—that pose risks of money-laundering (including
because of reported purchases of Trump real estate by anonymous shell
corporations), and the banks’ suspicious activity reports. JA38, JA40, JA53. The
documents sought will shed light on the threat of money laundering, including
through shell corporations and real estate, and the need for legislative solutions.
In addition, the Financial Services Committee is examining the issuance of large
corporate loans to heavily indebted companies that may be unable to repay them,
including loans made to Mr. Trump, his family, and his businesses. See JA131-32.
The Financial Services Committee seeks to understand whether current lending
standards and practices are adequate to ensure safe lending, particularly with high36
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profile customers such as Mr. Trump. The subpoenas to Capital One and Deutsche
Bank request documents relating to any such loans (JA38, JA53), which could inform
whether changes in lending laws are needed. As the district court recognized, “the
banks’ lending practices, including loans made to plaintiffs, are an important piece to
that investigation.” JA133.
Therefore, as the district court held, the Financial Services Committee’s
“investigation[s] and attendant subpoenas are in furtherance of a legitimate legislative
purpose, plainly related to the subject on which legislation can be had.” JA133.
Intelligence Committee. The Intelligence Committee has broad jurisdiction
over matters relating to “[t]he Central Intelligence Agency, the Director of National
Intelligence, and the National Intelligence Program,” as well as “[i]ntelligence and
intelligence-related activities of all other departments and agencies of the
Government.” House Rule X.11(b)(1)(A)-(B) (Add. 10). Pursuant to its jurisdiction,
the Committee is investigating foreign influence in the U.S. political process, including
any financial leverage that foreign actors may have over Mr. Trump, and whether
current federal authorities, policies, and resources are adequate to combat these
threats to national security.
As the district court summarized, Chairman Schiff has stated that “the
Intelligence Committee would conduct a rigorous investigation into efforts by Russia
and other foreign entities to influence the U.S. political process during and since the
2016 U.S. election; and that the Committee would work to fulfill its responsibility to
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provide the American people with a comprehensive accounting of what happened,
and what the United States must do to protect itself from future interference and
malign influence operations.” JA135. Chairman Schiff has further emphasized “that
the committee also plans to develop legislation and policy reforms to ensure the U.S.
government is better positioned to counter future efforts to undermine our political
process and national security.” Id. This investigation “is, by definition, not limited to
Mr. Trump’s time in office and, given the closely held nature of the Trump
Organization, must include his close family members.” JA134.
As detailed above, the Intelligence Committee’s investigations has explored
through public hearings Russia’s use of “financial leverage and corruption as tools of
intelligence operations and foreign policy,” including “the use of financial
entanglements as a means of compromise.”21 For decades, Mr. Trump’s business
interests have intersected with Russian actors, including those with ties to President
Putin. Supra p. 16. At the same time, Deutsche Bank, which also has ties to Russian
state institutions and has been implicated in Russian money-laundering schemes, has
reportedly loaned Mr. Trump more than $2 billion. Supra p. 12. Mr. Trump
reportedly spent hundreds of millions of dollars in cash at the same time the Trump
Organization was apparently receiving significant cash inflows from Russian sources.
Supra p. 16. And Mr. Trump pursued business deals in Russia at least through June
Committee on Intelligence Hearing: Putin’s Playbook (opening statement of
Chairman Schiff, at 2, https://tinyurl.com/ChairmanOpeningStatement).
21
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2016—after securing the Republican Presidential nomination—while advocating
policies favored by Russia. Supra p. 17.
The documents subpoenaed from Deutsche Bank will shed light on “Mr.
Trump’s complex financial arrangements, including how those arrangements intersect
with Russia and other foreign governments and entities” (JA134) and whether foreign
individuals, entities, or states have influence or leverage over Mr. Trump. These
documents include materials relating to Mr. Trump’s, his family’s, and his businesses’
bank and brokerage accounts, mortgages, loans, and lines of credit, internal Deutsche
Bank reviews and reports on the accounts, suspicious activity reports, and documents
from the relationship managers and bankers who served Mr. Trump. JA37-41.
As Chairman Schiff has explained, the investigations, including these
documents, are “essential to . . . devise effective legislative changes, policy reforms,
and appropriations priorities.” 165 Cong. Rec. H3482 (daily ed. May 8, 2019). For
example, the Intelligence Committee is considering legislation that would strengthen
election laws to better protect against intelligence threats and combat foreign
influence, see H.R. 1, 116th Cong. (2019); H.R. 2424, 116th Cong. (2019); H.R. 1474,
116th Cong. (2019); and legislation requiring the Director of National Intelligence to
submit intelligence assessments of Russian intentions to appropriate Congressional
committees, H.R. 1617, 116th Cong. (2019).
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The district court correctly concluded that the Intelligence Committee’s
“investigation and attendant subpoena is in furtherance of a legitimate legislative
purpose, plainly related to subjects on which legislation can be had.” JA135.
3.
None of the exceptions to Congress’s broad investigatory
authority applies here
Mr. Trump raises various challenges to the subpoenas to Capital One and
Deutsche Bank, but none of his arguments withstands scrutiny. That Mr. Trump
dislikes the Committees’ investigations is no basis for this Court to hold that the
district court abused its discretion in denying the preliminary injunction.
1. Mr. Trump argues (Br. 27-30) that the district court erred by refusing to
narrow the subpoenas. But the Congressional subpoenas issued here are not part of
“an ordinary civil case,” where a court might simply direct the parties to go “into a
room” and negotiate “until [they] come back with a reasonable subpoena.” JA94.
Instead, Mr. Trump challenges Congressional subpoenas that were duly authorized in
connection with investigations that have legitimate legislative purposes. This situation
thus bears little resemblance to the issues posed by a subpoena issued pursuant to the
Federal Rules of Civil Procedure as part of civil litigation. The district court was
correct to conclude that, in these circumstances, the court should not “engage in a
line-by-line review” because “‘the wisdom of [C]ongressional approach or
methodology is not open to judicial veto.’” JA138 (quoting Eastland, 421 U.S. at 509).
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Mr. Trump contends (Br. 34, 36-37) that certain of the Committees’ document
requests are unlikely to produce materials that will advance their legislative agendas.
But “[t]he propriety” of a Congressional subpoena “is a subject on which the scope of
[the Court’s] inquiry is narrow.” Eastland, 421 U.S. at 506 (“The courts should not go
beyond the narrow confines of determining that a committee’s inquiry may fairly be
deemed within its province.” (quotation marks omitted)); Senate Select Comm. on Ethics
v. Packwood, 845 F. Supp. 17, 21 (D.D.C. 1994) (“it is manifestly impracticable to leave
to the subject of the investigation alone the determination of what information may or
may not be probative of the matters being investigated”). And the Supreme Court
has made clear that the legitimacy of a Congressional investigation is not “defined by
what it produces” because “[t]he very nature of the investigative function—like any
research—is that it takes the searchers up some ‘blind alleys’ and into nonproductive
enterprises.” Eastland, 421 U.S. at 509. “To be a valid legislative inquiry there need be
no predictable end result.” Id.
Applying these principles, the district court correctly found that the standard
for evaluating relevance “is a forgiving one.” JA137. And the handful of specific
requests that Mr. Trump challenges as overbroad readily satisfies that standard.
Mr. Trump notes (Br. 34) that the Financial Services Committee sought
documents from Capital One concerning account opening, due diligence, and closing
records without time limitation. But, as explained above, the Financial Services
Committee’s investigations into bank compliance with anti-money laundering
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programs, as well as the soundness of loan practices, requires a complete
understanding of funds’ sources, their movement through accounts, and the treatment
of preferred customer accounts from the time those accounts are opened. Similarly,
given Mr. Trump’s entities’ complex financial relationships, the request for Capital
One documents concerning “[a]ny principal” of those entities (JA52) is reasonably
related to the investigation into illicit money laundering transactions and loan
practices because such transactions may have touched accounts held in the name of
the Trump entities’ principals. Moreover, the subpoena seeks account opening
documents without time limitation because those records will show who had control
of the accounts and what due diligence the banks conducted when the accounts were
opened.
Mr. Trump’s overbreadth challenge to the Intelligence Committee’s subpoena
fails for similar reasons. Mr. Trump objects (Br. 36) that the subpoena to Deutsche
Bank “asks for all domestic transactions,” which, in Mr. Trump’s view, “are not
reasonably relevant to an alleged investigation into foreign leverage and interference.”
This argument reveals a lack of understanding of how complex financial investigations
are conducted. To determine whether a foreign power may have financial leverage
over Mr. Trump, the Intelligence Committee requires domestic financial data: what
appears to be a purely domestic transaction, such as one involving two domestic
corporate entities, could involve a foreign individual or entity that is the beneficial
owner of the domestic corporation. Mr. Trump’s concern (Br. 37) that the Deutsche
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Bank subpoena covers “minor children, the President’s grandchildren, and Plaintiffs’
spouses” similarly fails to appreciate, as counsel for the House explained during
argument, that “people who are committing financial fraud” and engaging in illicit
transactions may do so by creating “dummy corporations,” placing “relatives in
charge,” and hiding assets “in the names of their grandchildren.” JA101. Mr.
Trump’s argument (Br. 36-37) that the time frame of the Deutsche Bank subpoena is
overbroad also misunderstands the Intelligence Committee’s investigation. A foreign
power could have developed financial leverage over Mr. Trump years before he
became President, when he had significant foreign business dealings. These records
are obviously “reasonably related” to the Intelligence Committee’s investigations.
Mr. Trump relies (Br. 28, 30) on two cases to argue that the court should
narrow an overbroad Congressional subpoena, but those decisions are inapposite. In
Hearst v. Black, 87 F.2d 68 (D.C. Cir. 1936), the D.C. Circuit concluded that a Senate
Committee’s request for a newspaper and magazine publisher’s telegraph records,
which the court described as concerning “matters unrelated to the legislative business
in hand,” was unauthorized and explained that if the publisher were questioned before
the Committee as to those telegraph messages “he would be entitled to refuse to
answer.” Id. at 71 (citing McGrain, 273 U.S. 135). Unlike in Hearst, the Financial
Services and the Intelligence Committees here seek relevant documents in
investigations with valid legislative purposes.
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In Bergman v. Senate Special Committee on Aging, 389 F. Supp. 1127 (S.D.N.Y.
1975), the district court upheld a Senate subcommittee subpoena for any documents
relating to plaintiffs’ nursing home and any “records reflecting both purely personal
financial matters and nursing home related matters.” Id. at 1131. The court held,
however, that the subcommittee’s jurisdiction—to investigate aging and nursing
homes—did not encompass “documents totally unrelated to plaintiffs’ nursing home
activities.” Id. at 1130-31. Assuming Bergman was correctly decided, it has no
relevance to the different investigations here, which fall squarely within the
Committees’ jurisdictions.22
Mr. Trump contends that, even if the court does not narrow the subpoenas, it
could “send the parties back to the negotiating table.” Br. 29 (citing United States v.
AT&T, 551 F.2d 384, 394 (D.C. Cir. 1976)). But this suit is not, as Mr. Trump
suggests (id.), a dispute “between Congress and the Executive.” Unlike in AT&T, the
subpoenas at issue here do not request official Executive Branch documents from a
third party. See 551 F.2d at 385-87 (detailing the history of negotiations between the
White House and Congress). Nor has Mr. Trump offered any reason to think that his
reference to the parties going “to the negotiating table” (Br. 29) is in any way credible.
Mr. Trump’s reliance (Br. 30) on United States v. Patterson, 206 F.2d 433 (D.C.
Cir. 1953), is also misplaced. Patterson was a case involving a criminal indictment for
contempt, not a civil subpoena enforcement challenge. In that context, the D.C.
Circuit made clear that “[t]he burden is on the court to see that the subpoena is good
in its entirety and it is not upon the person who faces punishment to cull the good
from the bad.” Id. at 434 (quotation marks omitted).
22
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It is obvious that nothing Mr. Trump would in fact offer (as opposed to using as a
delay tactic) could meet the Committees’ significant investigatory interests in
obtaining comprehensive financial records from the banks. If Mr. Trump were
serious about this point, he would already have specified what types of documents he
would not contest the banks turning over to Congress at once.
Finally, Mr. Trump acknowledges that Congress has an “informing function”
that “is an application of” its legislative function. Br. 23 (emphasis omitted). As the
Supreme Court has observed: “It is the proper duty of a representative body to look
diligently into every affair of government and to talk much about what it sees. …
Unless Congress have and use every means of acquainting itself with the acts and the
disposition of the administrative agents of the government, the country must be
helpless to learn how it is being served[.]” Rumely, 345 U.S. at 43 (quoting Woodrow
Wilson, Congressional Government: A Study in American Politics, 303 (1913)). Even if
Congress’s informing function were limited to agency oversight as Mr. Trump argues
(Br. 24), that would not invalidate the investigations here, which involve—among
other issues—oversight of the national intelligence agencies and financial regulatory
agencies.
2. Mr. Trump recognizes (Br. 25-26) that courts cannot examine Congress’s
motives to determine the validity of a subpoena. Barenblatt, 360 U.S. at 132. Mr.
Trump contends, however, that this Court should determine “what the Committee’s
actual purpose is through the available evidence.” Br. 25. But the only purportedly
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improper purpose he identifies is whether the Committees are impermissibly engaged
in law enforcement. Br. 31-32, 35-36. The Committees are not doing so: the fact
that criminal conduct by Mr. Trump might both inform the Committees’ legislative
judgments and be unlawful does not mean the Committees are engaged in a law
enforcement investigation. Mr. Trump’s related suggestion (Br. 35) that the
Intelligence Committee is “itself conduct[ing] intelligence” fails to appreciate that the
Intelligence Committee cannot assess whether the intelligence agencies are adequately
addressing the relevant threats unless the Committee investigates and understands
those threats.
The Financial Services Committee is investigating whether financial
institutions, including Deutsche Bank and Capital One, have complied with the Bank
Secrecy Act and engaged in sound lending practices. The Intelligence Committee is
investigating foreign influence on the U.S. political process, whether foreign actors
have financial leverage over Mr. Trump, and the related national security implications.
The results of these investigations will inform Congress’s consideration of legislation.
The fact that the same underlying conduct by the banks or by Mr. Trump might be
unlawful does not invalidate the investigations. Hutcheson v. United States, 369 U.S. 599,
618 (1962) (“[S]urely a congressional committee which is engaged in a legitimate
legislative investigation need not grind to a halt whenever responses to its inquiries
might potentially be harmful to a witness in some distinct proceeding, or when crime
or wrongdoing is disclosed.” (citation omitted)); McGrain, 273 U.S. at 179-80 (“Nor
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do we think it a valid objection to the investigation that it might possibly disclose
crime or wrongdoing on [the Attorney General’s] part.”).
Mr. Trump quotes (Br. 11, 32, 36) Shelton v. United States, 404 F.2d 1292, 1297
(D.C. Cir. 1968), for the proposition that Congress cannot engage in a law
enforcement investigation based on “the mere assertion of a need to consider
‘remedial legislation.’” But Mr. Trump’s brief misleadingly omits the rest of the
quoted sentence in Shelton, which applies here: “but when the purpose asserted is
supported by references to specific problems which in the past have been or which in
the future could be the subjects of appropriate legislation, then we cannot say that a
committee of the Congress exceeds its broad power when it seeks information in such
areas.” Id.
Mr. Trump’s reliance (Br. 32, 36) on the district court’s decision in United States
v. Icardi, 140 F. Supp. 383 (D.D.C. 1956), fares no better. The court found that Mr.
Icardi was being prosecuted for perjury before a Congressional subcommittee at a
time when the subcommittee was investigating a crime and was “functioning . . . as a
committing magistrate” to adjudicate “the guilt or innocence” of Mr. Icardi. Id. at
387. The court held that, while Congress “has the right to inquire whether there is a
likelihood that a crime has been committed touching upon a field within its general
jurisdiction . . . this authority cannot be extended to sanction a legislative trial and
conviction of the individual toward whom the evidence points the finger of
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suspicion.” Id. at 388. There is no respect in which the Committees’ investigations
here are the equivalent of a criminal trial.23
Mr. Trump further argues (Br. 33) that the Financial Services Committee’s use
of Mr. Trump as a case study for an industry-wide investigation into banking practices
means that the Committee is impermissibly engaged in law enforcement. But “the
public record”—including Mr. Trump’s long banking history with Deutsche Bank, his
significant loans with the bank, the bank’s reported involvement in money laundering,
the fact that other financial institutions refused to deal with him, and the reports that
Mr. Trump’s properties were purchased with illicit funds—“establishes that [Mr.
Trump, his family, and his entities] serve as a useful case study for the broader
problems being examined by the committee.” JA133.
Finally, to the extent Mr. Trump urges (Br. 36) this Court to hold that any
legislation contemplated by the Intelligence Committee would exceed “Congress’s
constitutional authority,” that position is wrong. It is not the Court’s role to
determine the constitutionality of any and all legislation—whether currently proposed
Mr. Trump misleadingly quotes the district court transcript to suggest—
incorrectly—that the House’s General Counsel represented that “the Capital One
subpoena was framed like the criminal subpoenas he used ‘when [he] was at the Justice
Department.’” Br. 31 (emphasis and brackets in original) (quoting JA99, JA101).
This statement in Mr. Trump’s brief is wrong because the matter referred to by the
General Counsel discussed at JA101 of the transcript was not a criminal case, and
counsel nowhere stated that the Capital One subpoena was like a criminal subpoena.
Although the clear error in the brief was explained to Mr. Trump’s counsel, he
declined a professional courtesy offer to timely correct it.
23
48
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or just a future possibility—that the House might consider in connection with the
Intelligence Committee’s investigations. Whatever Mr. Trump’s disagreements with
Committee legislative proposals, this suit is not the proper forum to adjudicate them.
B.
The Right To Financial Privacy Act Does Not Apply To Congress
Mr. Trump argues (Br. 37-45) that whether RFPA applies to Congress presents
a serious question, but the text of RFPA, the statutory context, and its legislative
history leave no doubt that Congressional requests for information are not governed
by RFPA.
RFPA prohibits a financial institution’s disclosure of customer financial records
“to any Government authority . . . except in accordance with the provisions of this
chapter.” 12 U.S.C. § 3403(a); see also id. § 3403(b). RFPA specifies that “no
Government authority” may obtain a customer’s financial records from a financial
institution, unless the customer authorizes the disclosure, or the disclosure is in
response to a subpoena, search warrant, or formal written request and complies with
additional statutory requirements. Id. § 3402(1)-(5); id. §§ 3404-3408.
RFPA’s disclosure restrictions thus apply when the “financial records of any
customer” are sought by a “Government authority.” The term “Government
authority” is defined by the statute to mean “any agency or department of the United
States, or any officer, employee, or agent thereof.” 12 U.S.C. § 3401(3). As the
district court correctly held (JA124-25), “Government authority” does not include
Congress.
49
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Even if Mr. Trump were correct that RFPA applies to Congress—which he is
not—he does not dispute that it would be of limited utility here because it applies at
most to only a few plaintiffs and only with respect to their financial records, not the
banks’ internal records. RFPA applies to the “financial records of any customer.” 12
U.S.C. § 3402. RFPA defines “customer” to mean a “person or authorized
representative of that person,” and defines “person” to mean “an individual or a
partnership of five or fewer individuals.” Id. § 3401(4) & (5). Because they are not
“customers,” plaintiff corporations, limited liability companies, and a trust (JA15-16)
lack any rights under RFPA. See United States v. Daccarett, 6 F.3d 37, 51 (2d Cir. 1993),
superseded on other grounds by statute as recognized by United States v. Sum of $185,336.07
Currency Seized from Citizen’s Bank Account L7N01967, 731 F.3d 189, 196 (2d Cir. 2013).
Congress enacted RFPA in response to the Supreme Court’s decision in United
States v. Miller, 425 U.S. 435, 440 (1976), which held that a bank customer had no
Fourth Amendment right to prevent a bank from disclosing his financial records in
response to grand jury subpoenas. SEC v. Jerry T. O’Brien, Inc., 467 U.S. 735, 745 n.15
(1984). RFPA was “designed ‘to strike a balance between customers’ right of privacy
and the need of law enforcement agencies to obtain financial records pursuant to
legitimate investigations.” Id. at 746 (quoting H. Rep. No. 95-1383, at 33 (1978)).
“The most salient feature of [RFPA] is the narrow scope of the entitlements it creates.
Thus, it carefully limits the kinds of customers to whom it applies . . . and the types
of records they may seek to protect[.]” Id. at 745.
50
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Multiple provisions of the statute underscore that Congress intended
“Government authority”—defined as “any agency or department of the United
States”—to mean an Executive Branch agency or department. The statute provides
several mechanisms for a “Government authority” to obtain financial records, but
“only if” the records are sought for a “legitimate law enforcement inquiry.” 12 U.S.C.
§ 3405(1) (administrative subpoena and summons); id. § 3407(1) (judicial subpoena);
id. § 3408(3) (formal written request); see also id. § 3406(a) (permitting disclosure to a
“Government authority” only with “a search warrant pursuant to the Federal Rules of
Criminal Procedure”). As Mr. Trump argues, Congress may not engage in law
enforcement activities or issue a criminal subpoena. It would make no sense for
Congress to have included itself as an “agency or department” generally prohibited
from obtaining customer financial documents, but not to have a disclosure exception
for Congressional subpoenas.
RFPA’s other uses of the phrase “agency or department” underscore that the
term refers to Executive Branch entities. For example, Section 3408 permits a
Government authority to request financial records only if, among other requirements,
“the request is authorized by regulations promulgated by the head of the agency or
department.” 12 U.S.C. § 3408(2) (emphasis added). Congress does not promulgate
regulations, nor does Congress have a “head of . . . department.” See Freytag v.
Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 501 U.S. 868, 886 (1991) (“The term head of a
department means . . . the Secretary in charge of a great division of the executive
51
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branch of the government, like the State, Treasury, and War, who is a member of the
Cabinet.” (ellipsis in original) (quoting Burnap v. United States, 252 U.S. 512, 515
(1920)).
In addition, RFPA provides for an array of civil penalties for “[a]ny agency or
department of the United States or financial institution” that violates its requirements,
including punitive damages for willful or intentional violations. 12 U.S.C. § 3417(a).
Under Mr. Trump’s reading of “any agency or department,” Congress silently
subjected itself to punitive damages and other monetary liability—a reading of the
statute that is particularly implausible given Congress’s absolute immunity under the
Speech or Debate Clause.
Moreover, Section 3417(b) tasks the Office of Personnel Management (OPM)
with determining whether “disciplinary action is warranted against the agent or
employee” of “any agency or department” found to have violated RFPA. 12 U.S.C.
§ 3417(b). OPM is “the lead personnel agency for civilian employees in the executive
branch,” United States Dep’t of Air Force v. Fed. Labor Relations Auth., 952 F.2d 446, 448
(D.C. Cir. 1991) (emphasis added), and Congress would not have charged OPM with
holding proceedings against Congressional staff.
RFPA’s provisions governing the transfer of financial records between agencies
or departments further confirm that Congress is not such an “agency or department.”
Section 3412(a) prohibits the transfer of records “to another agency or department”
unless that agency or department certifies that the records may be used in a legitimate
52
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law enforcement, intelligence, or international terrorism inquiry. 12 U.S.C. § 3412(a).
Section 3412(b) requires notice to the customer when financial records are transferred
pursuant to subsection (a). These provisions thus make clear that the same
requirements that apply when an agency or department obtains information from a
financial institution directly also govern when the information is obtained from
another agency or department. Congress emphasized, however, that these transfer
provisions—like RFPA’s other requirements—did not apply to Congress: “Nothing
in this chapter shall authorize the withholding of information by any officer or
employee of a supervisory agency from a duly authorized committee or subcommittee
of the Congress.” 12 U.S.C. § 3412(d).24
The legislative history makes even more clear that Congress did not intend
RFPA’s restrictions to govern Congress. The Department of Justice (DOJ) proposed
a bill with the definition of “government authority” that Mr. Trump now advances in
litigation. But Congress did not adopt that proposal.
The DOJ bill would have “extend[ed] these important procedures and privacy
rights to cover investigations by the Legislative as well as the Executive Branch.”
Mr. Trump argues (Br. 42-43) that Congress must be a “Government
authority” covered by RFPA because Section 3413(j) provides that RFPA does not
apply when records are sought by the Government Accountability Office (GAO). In
Mr. Trump’s view, this exception would not be necessary unless Congress were
included because GAO is a legislative agency. But Section 3413(j) differentiates GAO
from “a government authority” and thus supports the opposite conclusion: GAO
may obtain financial records in its proceedings or investigations that are “directed at a
government authority.” 12 U.S.C. § 3413(j) (emphasis added).
24
53
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Electronic Funds Transfer and Financial Privacy: Hearings on S. 2096, S. 2293 and S. 1460
Before the Subcomm. on Fin. Insts. of the Senate Comm. on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs,
95th Cong. 194 (1978) (emphasis added). The proposal would have defined
“government authority” to mean “the Congress of the United States, or any agency or
department of the United States or of a State or political subdivision, or any officer,
employee or agent of any of the foregoing.” Id. at 397 (emphasis added); see id. at 161
(Congressional Research Service report noting that the DOJ bill—unlike two Senate
bills—protects “against unauthorized access by Congress” (emphasis added)). Thus, the
Executive understood that Congress would not be included in the term “agency or
department” because it proposed separately adding “Congress of the United States.”
Congress, in the end, focused instead on limiting agencies’—not Congress’s—access
to customer financial records, with exceptions for law enforcement activities. See H.
Rep. No. 95-1383, at 6 (RFPA would “[g]ive[] individuals notice of, and a chance to
challenge, Federal Government agency requests for their bank records” (emphasis added));
id. at 33 (RFPA is “intended to protect the customers of financial institutions from
unwarranted intrusion into their records while at the same time permitting legitimate
law enforcement activity” (emphasis added)).
Against the statutory text, context, and history, Mr. Trump principally relies
(Br. 41-43) on the Supreme Court’s now overruled decision in United States v. Bramblett,
348 U.S. 503, 504 n.1, 509 (1955), which had interpreted the term “any department or
agency of the United States” to include Congress. Mr. Trump contends that, because
54
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Congress was legislating against the backdrop of Bramblett, the “agency or
department” in RFPA must have the same meaning. But that general principle cannot
overcome the specific text of RFPA, particularly because the Supreme Court has since
stressed that Bramblett was “a seriously flawed decision” that “made no attempt to
reconcile its interpretation with the usual meaning of ‘department.’” Hubbard v. United
States, 514 U.S. 695, 702 (1995).
In Hubbard, the Supreme Court overruled Bramblett to hold that “department or
agency of the United States”—as used in 18 U.S.C. § 1001—refers only to Executive
Branch entities, explaining that “while we have occasionally spoken of the three
branches of our Government, including the Judiciary, as ‘department[s],’ that locution
is not an ordinary one[,]” and “[f]ar more common is the use of ‘department’ to refer
to a component of the Executive Branch.” 514 U.S. at 699 (citation omitted). The
district court correctly held that Hubbard’s reasoning is “controlling here.” JA124.
As the district court concluded, “the structure and context of the RFPA makes
clear that Congress did not believe it was binding itself to the RFPA. More on this
point need not be said. Congress is not bound by the RFPA.” JA125.
II.
INJUNCTION
Mr. Trump is not entitled to a preliminary injunction because his constitutional
and statutory claims fail on the merits—and, at a minimum, do not present “serious
questions” or demonstrate a likelihood of success. This Court can affirm the district
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court’s denial of a preliminary injunction on that basis alone. But Mr. Trump has also
failed to demonstrate that the district court clearly erred in finding that “the balance
of equities and hardships, along with the public interest, favor a preliminary
injunction.” JA151; Chemical Bank v. Haseotes, 13 F.3d 569, 573 (2d Cir. 1994)
(reviewing balance of hardships finding for clear error).
To the extent Mr. Trump’s balance-of-the-hardships argument presupposes
that the Committees’ investigations are unlawful (Br. 49-51), those arguments fail for
the reasons discussed above. Regardless, any harm that Mr. Trump would suffer from
disclosure of the documents to Congress is outweighed by the significant harm to the
Committees and the public from delaying production of these documents. As the
Supreme Court cautioned in Eastland, when it overturned the D.C. Circuit’s decision
enjoining a Congressional investigation, that “case illustrates vividly the harm that
judicial interference may cause” where a valid “legislative inquiry has been frustrated
for nearly five years.” 421 U.S. at 511. Mr. Trump seeks to do exactly that: frustrate
the Committees’ legitimate legislative inquiries for as long as possible.
The Committees’ interest in prompt compliance with their subpoenas is
paramount. Congress’s “power of inquiry—with process to enforce it—is an essential
and appropriate auxiliary to the legislative function.” McGrain, 273 U.S. at 174. Mr.
Trump’s argument (Br. 48) that the Committees have only “vaguely claimed that they
need the documents right away” is not only wrong—given the pressing nature of the
investigations—it is also an improper usurpation of Congress’s constitutional power
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to investigate and conduct oversight. The Committees’ interest in obtaining relevant
information necessary to ongoing investigations would be severely harmed by any
injunctive relief in this case.
Mr. Trump also incorrectly argues (Br. 48) that the expiration of the 116th
Congress cannot justify prompt enforcement of the subpoenas. Mr. Trump relies on
Committee on Judiciary of the U.S. House of Representatives v. Miers, 542 F.3d 909 (D.C. Cir.
2008), but the D.C. Circuit there issued its decision fewer than four months before
that Congress expired and correctly recognized on those specific facts that, “even if
expedited, this controversy will not be fully and finally resolved by the Judicial Branch
. . . before the 110th Congress ends.” Id. at 911. Mr. Trump’s reliance on United States
v. AT&T, 567 F.2d 121, 133 (D.C. Cir. 1977), is also misplaced. In that case, the D.C.
Circuit found that a “modest” delay in Congress obtaining documents would be
acceptable, but in the context of a document production negotiated between the
Executive and Legislative Branches. Id. These cases do not undermine the district
court’s recognition here that the House is not a “continuing body,” and any delay may
result in irreparable harm to these Committees. JA152 (quoting Eastland, 421 U.S. at
512).
Finally, the district court correctly recognized the “clear public interest in
maximizing the effectiveness of the investigatory powers of Congress.” JA153 (citing
Exxon Corp., 589 F.2d at 594 (“the investigatory power is one that the courts have
long perceived as essential to the successful discharge of the legislative responsibilities
57
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of Congress”)). Mr. Trump’s contrary argument ignores the clear and compelling
public interest in expeditious and unimpeded Congressional investigations into core
aspects of the financial system and national security that touch every member of the
public. Mr. Trump provides no legitimate reason why the public would be served by
delaying the Committees from obtaining the records necessary to carry out their
constitutional oversight and legislative duties.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the Court should expeditiously affirm the district
court’s order denying Mr. Trump’s request for a preliminary injunction.
Respectfully submitted,
/s/ Douglas N. Letter
General Counsel
Deputy General Counsel
MEGAN BARBERO
Associate General Counsel
JOSEPHINE MORSE
Associate General Counsel
219 Cannon House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515
(202) 225-9700 (telephone)
(202) 226-1360 (facsimile)
douglas.letter@mail.house.gov
Counsel for the Committee on Financial Services and
the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence of the
U.S. House of Representatives
July 11, 2019
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1.
This brief complies with the type-volume limitation of Circuit Rule
32.1(a)(4)(A) because this brief contains 13,995 words excluding the parts of the brief
exempted by Fed. R. App. P. 32(f).
2.
This brief complies with the typeface requirements of Fed. R. App. P.
32(a)(5) and the type style requirements of Fed. R. App. P. 32(a)(6) because this brief
has been prepared in a proportionally spaced typeface using Microsoft Word
Professional Plus 2016 in 14-point Garamond type.
/s/ Douglas N. Letter
Douglas N. Letter
Case 19-1540, Document 65, 07/11/2019, 2606510, Page71 of 90
I certify that on July 11, 2019, I filed a copy of the foregoing Brief for the
Committee on Financial Services and the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
of the U.S. House of Representatives via the CM/ECF system of the United States
Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which I understand caused service on all
registered parties.
/s/ Douglas N. Letter
Douglas N. Letter
Case 19-1540, Document 65, 07/11/2019, 2606510, Page72 of 90
ADDENDUM
Case 19-1540, Document 65, 07/11/2019, 2606510, Page73 of 90
Right to Financial Privacy Act, 12 U.S.C. § 3401 et seq.
12 U.S.C. § 3401 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 1
12 U.S.C. § 3402............................................................................................Add. 2
12 U.S.C. § 3403 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 2
12 U.S.C. § 3405 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 3
12 U.S.C. § 3406 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 3
12 U.S.C. § 3407 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 4
12 U.S.C. § 3408 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 4
12 U.S.C. § 3412 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 5
12 U.S.C. § 3417 (excerpts) .........................................................................Add. 5
SIXTEENTH CONGRESS*
Rule X (excerpts) ................................................................................................. Add. 7
1. Committees and their legislative jurisdictions ........................................... Add. 7
2. General Oversight Responsibilities.......................................................... Add. 8
3. Special oversight functions .................................................................... Add. 10
4. Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence .......................................... Add. 10
The House Rules are available at https://tinyurl.com/HouseRules116thCong,
the Financial Services Committee’s Rules are available at
https://tinyurl.com/CommFinServsRules, and the Intelligence Committee’s Rules are
available at https://tinyurl.com/HPSCIRules.
*
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Rule XI (excerpts) .............................................................................................. Add. 13
1. In general............................................................................................. Add. 13
2. Power to sit and act; subpoena power .................................................... Add. 13
RULES OF THE COMMITTEE ON FINANCIAL SERVICES, 116TH
CONGRESS
Rule 3 – Subpoenas and Oaths........................................................................ Add. 15
ON INTELLIGENCE, 116th CONGRESS
Rule 10 – Subpoenas ......................................................................................... Add. 16
Case 19-1540, Document 65, 07/11/2019, 2606510, Page75 of 90
Right to Financial Privacy Act, 12 U.S.C. § 3401 et seq.
12 U.S.C. § 3401 (excerpts)
Definitions
For the purpose of this chapter, the term—
* * *
(3) “Government authority” means any agency or department of the United
States, or any officer, employee, or agent thereof;
(4) “person” means an individual or a partnership of five or fewer individuals;
(5) “customer” means any person or authorized representative of that person
who utilized or is utilizing any service of a financial institution, or for whom a
financial institution is acting or has acted as a fiduciary, in relation to an account
maintained in the person’s name;
* * *
(7) “supervisory agency” means with respect to any particular financial
institution, holding company, or any subsidiary of a financial institution or holding
company, any of the following which has statutory authority to examine the financial
condition, business operations, or records or transactions of that institution, holding
company, or subsidiary—
(A) the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation;
(B) the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection;
(C) the National Credit Union Administration;
(D) the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System;
(E) the Comptroller of the Currency;
(F) the Securities and Exchange Commission;
(G) the Commodity Futures Trading Commission;
Add. 1
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(H) the Secretary of the Treasury, with respect to the Bank Secrecy Act (Public
Law 91-508, Title I) and subchapter II of chapter 53 of Title 31; or
(I) any State banking or securities department or agency[.]
12 U.S.C. § 3402
Access to financial records by Government authorities prohibited; exceptions
Except as provided by section 3403(c) or (d), 3413, or 3414 of this title, no
Government authority may have access to or obtain copies of, or the information
contained in the financial records of any customer from a financial institution unless
the financial records are reasonably described and—
(1) such customer has authorized such disclosure in accordance with section 3404
of this title;
(2) such financial records are disclosed in response to an administrative subpena or
summons which meets the requirements of section 3405 of this title;
(3) such financial records are disclosed in response to a search warrant which meets
the requirements of section 3406 of this title;
(4) such financial records are disclosed in response to a judicial subpena which
meets the requirements of section 3407 of this title; or
(5) such financial records are disclosed in response to a formal written request
which meets the requirements of section 3408 of this title.
12 U.S.C. § 3403 (excerpts)
Confidentiality of financial records.
(a) Release of records by financial institutions prohibited
No financial institution, or officer, employees, or agent of a financial institution, may
provide to any Government authority access to or copies of, or the information
contained in, the financial records of any customer except in accordance with the
provisions of this chapter.
Add. 2
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(b) Release of records upon certification of compliance with chapter
A financial institution shall not release the financial records of a customer until the
Government authority seeking such records certifies in writing to the financial
institution that it has complied with the applicable provisions of this chapter.
* * *
12 U.S.C. § 3405 (excerpts)
Administrative subpena and summons
A Government authority may obtain financial records under section 3402(2) of this
title pursuant to an administrative subpena or summons otherwise authorized by law
only if—
(1) there is reason to believe that the records sought are relevant to a legitimate
law enforcement inquiry[.]
* * *
12 U.S.C. § 3406 (excerpts)
Search warrants
(a) Applicability of Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure
A Government authority may obtain financial records under section 3402(3) of this
title only if it obtains a search warrant pursuant to the Federal Rules of Criminal
Procedure.
* * *
Add. 3
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12 U.S.C. § 3407 (excerpts)
Judicial subpena
A Government authority may obtain financial records under section 3402(4) of this
title pursuant to judicial subpena only if—
(1) such subpena is authorized by law and there is reason to believe that the
records sought are relevant to a legitimate law enforcement inquiry[.]
* * *
12 U.S.C. § 3408 (excerpts)
Formal written request
A Government authority may request financial records under section 3402(5) of this
title pursuant to a formal written request only if—
(1) no administrative summons or subpena authority reasonably appears to be
available to that Government authority to obtain financial records for the
purpose for which such records are sought;
(2) the request is authorized by regulations promulgated by the head of the
agency or department;
(3) there is reason to believe that the records sought are relevant to a legitimate
law enforcement inquiry; and
(4)(A) a copy of the request has been served upon the customer or mailed to
his last known address on or before the date on which the request was
made to the financial institution together with the following notice which
shall state with reasonable specificity the nature of the law enforcement
inquiry[.]
* * *
Add. 4
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12 U.S.C. § 3412 (excerpts)
Use of information
* * *
(d) Exchanges of examination reports by supervisory agencies; transfer of
financial records to defend customer action; withholding of information
Nothing in this chapter prohibits any supervisory agency from exchanging
examination reports or other information with another supervisory agency. Nothing
in this chapter prohibits the transfer of a customer’s financial records needed by
counsel for a Government authority to defend an action brought by the customer.
Nothing in this chapter shall authorize the withholding of information by any officer
or employee of a supervisory agency from a duly authorized committee or
subcommittee of the Congress.
* * *
12 U.S.C. § 3417 (excerpts)
Civil penalties
(a) Liability of agencies or departments of United States or financial
institutions
Any agency or department of the United States or financial institution obtaining or
disclosing financial records or information contained therein in violation of this
chapter is liable to the customer to whom such records relate in an amount equal to
the sum of—
(1) $100 without regard to the volume of records involved;
(2) any actual damages sustained by the customer as a result of the disclosure;
(3) such punitive damages as the court may allow, where the violation is found
to have been willful or intentional; and
(4) in the case of any successful action to enforce liability under this section, the
costs of the action together with reasonable attorney’s fees as determined by
the court.
Add. 5
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(b) Disciplinary action for willful or intentional violation of chapter by agents
or employees of department or agency
Whenever the court determines that any agency or department of the United States
has violated any provision of this chapter and the court finds that the circumstances
surrounding the violation raise questions of whether an officer or employee of the
department or agency acted willfully or intentionally with respect to the violation, the
Director of the Office of Personnel Management shall promptly initiate a proceeding
to determine whether disciplinary action is warranted against the agent or employee
who was primarily responsible for the violation. The Director after investigation and
consideration of the evidence submitted, shall submit his findings and
recommendations to the administrative authority of the agency concerned and shall
send copies of the findings and recommendations to the officer or employee or his
representative. The administrative authority shall take the corrective action that the
Director recommends.
* * *
Add. 6
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House Rule X (excerpts)
Committees and their legislative jurisdictions
1. There shall be in the House the following standing committees, each of which
shall have the jurisdiction and related functions assigned by this clause and clauses
2, 3, and 4. All bills, resolutions, and other matters relating to subjects within the
jurisdiction of the standing committees listed in this clause shall be referred to
those committees, in accordance with clause 2 of rule XII, as follows:
***
(n) Committee on Financial Services
(1) Banks and banking, including deposit insurance and Federal monetary
policy.
(2) Economic stabilization, defense production, renegotiation, and control
of the price of commodities, rents, and services.
(3) Financial aid to commerce and industry (other than transportation).
(4) Insurance generally.
(5) International finance.
(6) International financial and monetary organizations.
(7) Money and credit, including currency and the issuance of notes and
redemption thereof; gold and silver, including the coinage thereof;
valuation and revaluation of the dollar.
(8) Public and private housing.
(9) Securities and exchanges.
(10) Urban development.
Add. 7
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***
General Oversight Responsibilities
2. (a) The various standing committees shall have general oversight responsibilities as
provided in paragraph (b) in order to assist the House in—
(1) its analysis, appraisal, and evaluation of—
(A) the application, administration, execution, and effectiveness of
Federal laws; and
(B) conditions and circumstances that may indicate the necessity or
desirability of enacting new or additional legislation; and
(2) its formulation, consideration, and enactment of changes in Federal
laws, and of such additional legislation as may be necessary or appropriate.
(b) (1) In order to determine whether laws and programs addressing subjects
within the jurisdiction of a committee are being implemented and carried out in
accordance with the intent of Congress and whether they should be continued,
curtailed, or eliminated, each standing committee (other than the Committee
on Appropriations) shall review and study on a continuing basis—
(A) the application, administration, execution, and effectiveness of laws
and programs addressing subjects within its jurisdiction;
(B) the organization and operation of Federal agencies and entities
having responsibilities for the administration and execution of laws
and programs addressing subjects within its jurisdiction;
(C) any conditions or circumstances that may indicate the necessity or
desirability of enacting new or additional legislation addressing
subjects within its jurisdiction (whether or not a bill or resolution has
been introduced with respect thereto); and
(D) future research and forecasting on subjects within its jurisdiction.
* * *
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(d) (1) Not later than March 1 of the first session of a Congress, the chair of each
standing committee (other than the Committee on Appropriations, the
Committee on Ethics, and the Committee on Rules) shall—
(A)prepare, in consultation with the ranking minority member, an
oversight plan for that Congress;
(B) provide a copy of that plan to each member of the committee for at
least seven calendar days before its submission; and
(C) submit that plan (including any supplemental, minority, additional, or
dissenting views submitted by a member of the committee)
simultaneously to the Committee on Oversight and Reform and the
Committee on House Administration.
(2) In developing the plan, the chair of each committee shall, to the maximum
extent feasible—
(A) consult with other committees that have jurisdiction over the same
or related laws, programs, or agencies with the objective of ensuring
maximum coordination and cooperation among committees when
conducting reviews of such laws, programs, or agencies and include
in the plan an explanation of steps that have been or will be taken to
ensure such coordination and cooperation;
(B) review specific problems with Federal rules, regulations, statutes, and
court decisions that are ambiguous, arbitrary, or nonsensical, or that
impose severe financial burdens on individuals;
(C) give priority consideration to including in the plan the review of
those laws, programs, or agencies operating under permanent budget
authority or permanent statutory authority;
(D) have a view toward ensuring that all significant laws, programs, or
agencies within the committee’s jurisdiction are subject to review
every 10 years; and
(E) have a view toward insuring against duplication of Federal programs.
(3) Not later than April 15 in the first session of a Congress, after consultation
with the Speaker, the Majority Leader, and the Minority Leader, the
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Committee on Oversight and Reform shall report to the House the
oversight plans submitted under subparagraph (1) together with any
recommendations that it, or the House leadership group described above,
may make to ensure the most effective coordination of oversight plans and
otherwise to achieve the objectives of this clause.
***
Special oversight functions
3. (m) The Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence shall review and study on a
continuing basis laws, programs, and activities of the intelligence community and
shall review and study on an exclusive basis the sources and methods of entities
de- scribed in clause 11(b)(1)(A).
***
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
11.(a)(1) There is established a Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (hereafter
in this clause referred to as the ‘‘select committee’’).
***
(b)(1) There shall be referred to the select committee proposed legislation,
messages, petitions, memorials, and other matters relating to the following:
(A) The Central Intelligence Agency, the Director of National
Intelligence, and the National Intelligence Program as defined in
section 3(6) of the National Security Act of 1947.
(B) Intelligence and intelligence-related activities of all other departments
and agencies of the Government, including the tactical intelligence
and intelligence-related activities of the Department of Defense.
(C) The organization or reorganization of a department or agency of the
Government to the extent that the organization or reorganization
relates to a function or activity involving intelligence or intelligencerelated activities.
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(D) Authorizations for appropriations, both direct and indirect, for the
following:
(i) The Central Intelligence Agency, the Director of National
Intelligence, and the National Intelligence Program as defined in
sec- tion 3(6) of the National Security Act of 1947.
(ii) Intelligence and intelligence- related activities of all other
departments and agencies of the Government, including the
tactical intelligence and intelligence-related activities of the
Department of Defense.
(iii) A department, agency, subdivision, or program that is a successor
to an agency or program named or referred to in (i) or (ii).
(2) Proposed legislation initially reported by the select committee (other than
provisions solely involving matters specified in subparagraph (1)(A) or
subparagraph (1)(D)(i)) containing any matter otherwise within the
jurisdiction of a standing committee shall be referred by the Speaker to that
standing committee. Proposed legislation initially reported by another
committee that contains matter within the jurisdiction of the select
committee shall be referred by the Speaker to the select committee if
requested by the chair of the select committee.
***
(c)(1) For purposes of accountability to the House, the select committee shall
make regular and periodic reports to the House on the nature and extent of the
intelligence and intelligence-related activities of the various departments and
agencies of the United States. The select committee shall promptly call to the
attention of the House, or to any other appropriate committee, a matter
requiring the attention of the House or another committee. In making such
report, the select committee shall proceed in a manner consistent with
paragraph (g) to protect national security.
***
(f) The select committee shall formulate and carry out such rules and procedures
as it considers necessary to prevent the disclosure, without the consent of each
person concerned, of information in the possession of the select committee
that unduly infringes on the privacy or that violates the constitutional rights of
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such person. Nothing herein shall be construed to pre- vent the select
committee from publicly disclosing classified information in a case in which it
determines that national interest in the disclosure of classified information
clearly outweighs any infringement on the privacy of a person.
(g)(1)The select committee may disclose publicly any information in its possession
after a determination by the select committee that the public interest would be
served by such disclosure. With respect to the disclosure of information for
which this paragraph requires action by the select committee—
(A)the select committee shall meet to vote on the matter within five days
after a member of the select committee requests a vote; and
(B) a member of the select committee may not make such a disclosure
before a vote by the select committee on the matter, or after a vote
by the select committee on the matter except in accordance with this
paragraph.
***
(j)(1) In this clause the term ‘‘intelligence and intelligence-related activities’’
includes—
(A) the collection, analysis, production, dissemination, or use of
information that relates to a foreign country, or a government,
political group, party, military force, movement, or other association
in a foreign country, and that relates to the defense, foreign policy,
national security, or related policies of the United States and other
activity in support of the collection, analysis, production,
dissemination, or use of such information;
(B) activities taken to counter similar activities directed against the
United States;
(C) covert or clandestine activities affecting the relations of the United
States with a foreign government, political group, party, military
force, movement, or other association;
(D) the collection, analysis, production, dissemination, or use of
information about activities of persons within the United States, its
territories and possessions, or nationals of the United States abroad
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whose political and related activities pose, or may be considered by a
department, agency, bureau, office, division, instrumentality, or
employee of the United States to pose, a threat to the internal
security of the United States; and
(E) covert or clandestine activities directed against persons described in
subdivision (D).
(2) In this clause the term ‘‘department or agency’’ includes any
organization, committee, council, establishment, or office within the
Federal Government.
***
House Rule XI (excerpts)
In general
1. (b)(1) Each committee may conduct at any time such investigations and studies as it
considers necessary or appropriate in the exercise of its responsibilities under rule
X. Subject to the adoption of expense resolutions as required by clause 6 of rule X,
each committee may incur expenses, including travel expenses, in connection with
such investigations and studies.
***
Power to sit and act; subpoena power
2. (m)(1) For the purpose of carrying out any of its functions and duties under this
rule and rule X (including any matters referred to it under clause 2 of rule
XII), a committee or subcommittee is authorized (subject to subparagraph
3(A)) –
(A)to sit and act at such times and places within the United States,
whether the House is in session, has recessed, or has adjourned, and
to hold such hearings as it considers necessary; and
(B) to require, by subpoena or otherwise, the attendance and testimony
of such witnesses and the production of such books, records,
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correspondence, memoranda, papers, and documents as it considers
necessary.
(2) The chair of the committee, or a member designated by the chair, may
administer oaths to witnesses.
(3) (A) (i) Except as provided in subdivision (A)(ii), a subpoena may be
authorized and issued by a committee or subcommittee under
subparagraph (1)(B) in the conduct of an investigation or series of
investigations or activities only when authorized by the committee or
subcommittee, a majority being present. The power to authorize and
issue subpoenas under subparagraph (1)(B) may be delegated to the
chair of the committee under such rules and under such limitations as
the committee may prescribe. Authorized subpoenas shall be signed
by the chair of the committee or by a member designated by the
committee.
(ii) In the case of a subcommittee of the Committee on Ethics, a
subpoena may be authorized and issued only by an affirmative vote
of a majority of its members.
(B) A subpoena duces tecum may specify terms of return other than at a
meeting or hearing of the committee or subcommittee authorizing the
subpoena.
(C) Compliance with a subpoena issued by a committee or subcommittee
under subparagraph (1)(B) may be enforced only as authorized or
directed by the House.
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116TH CONGRESS
Rule 3 — Subpoenas and Oaths
(e)(1) The power to authorize and issue subpoenas is delegated to the Chair. Unless
there are exigent circumstances, the Chair will provide written notice to the
ranking minority member at least 48 hours in advance of the authorization and
issuance of a subpoena, and such notice shall include a full copy of the proposed
subpoena, including any proposed document schedule.
(2) Authorized subpoenas shall be signed by the Chair or by any member designated
by the Committee and may be served by any person designated by the Chair or
such member.
(3) The Chair, or any member of the Committee designated by the Chair, may
administer oaths to witnesses before the Committee.
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116TH CONGRESS
10. SUBPOENAS
(a) Generally. All subpoenas shall be authorized by the Chair of the full Committee,
upon consultation with the Ranking Minority Member, or by vote of the full
Committee.
(b) Subpoena Contents. Any subpoena authorized by the Chair of the full
Committee or by the full Committee may compel:
(1) The attendance of witnesses and testimony before the Committee; or
(2) The production of memoranda, documents, records, or any other tangible
item.
(c) Signing of Subpoena. A subpoena authorized by the Chair of the full Committee
or by the full Committee may be signed by the Chair or by any member of the
Committee designated to do so by the full Committee.
(d) Subpoena Service. A subpoena authorized by the Chair of the full Committee, or
by the full Committee, may be served by any person designated to do so by the
Chair.
(e) Other Requirements. Each subpoena shall have attached thereto a copy of these
rules.
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