Text extracted via OCR from the original document. May contain errors from the scanning process.
Environmental
governance and climate
change in Africa
Legal perspectives
Rose Mweba. and Louis J Kot.
EFTA01090080
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Contents
Preface
vii
About the Editors
xv
About the Authors
xix
Part 1 Climate Change in Africa: General Perspectives
Chapter 1
The impact of climate change In East Africa
3
Rose Mwebaza
Introduction
4
Background on East Africa
5
Emerging evidence on climate change
7
The impact of climate change in Eastern Africa
10
Conclusion
14
Chapter 2
Gender roles, land degradation and climate change
A Ugandan case study
21
Godard Busingye
Introduction
22
Conceptual framework
22
Land degradation
30
Linking climate change to land degradation
35
Gender roles, land degradation and climate change
37
Conclusion
39
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Part 2 Climate Change Mitigation
Chapter 3
Climate change and informal institutions in the Lake Victoria Basin
49
Donald A Mwiturubani
Introduction
50
Africa's economies and the impact of climate change
51
Institutional arrangements in natural resources management
52
Policies and legislation in natural resources management
54
The associations of traditional leaders and natural resources management
57
Conclusion
62i
Part 3 Climate Change Adaptation
Chapter 4
Adaptation policies in Africa
Challenges and opportunities in the application of tools and methods
on climate change
71
Zerisenay Habtezion
Introduction
72
Adaptation mainstreaming
73
Tools and methods
73
The Eritrean situation
74
Challenges and opportunities
77
Conclusion
81
Chapter
Policy, legislative and regulatory challenges in promoting renewable
energy in Nigeria
93
Muhammed Tawfiq Ladan
Introduction
94
The importance of efficient and renewable energy in the Nigerian context
96
Overview of the policy, legislative and regultory measures available to promote
energy efficiency and renewable energy in Nigeria
103
Challenges and strategies relating to climate change mitigation,
use and regulation of renewable and efficient energy in Nigeria
108
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Conclusion
110
Chapter 6
Biofuels in Tanzania
Legal challenges and recommendations for change
117
Eliamani Laltaika
Introduction
117
Tanzania: Economic geography, climate change and the biofuels industry
119
Effects of biofuels
121
Legal and policy recommendations
124
Conclusion
127
Part 4 The Clean Development Mechanism
Chapter 7
Towards sustainable development
An African perspective on reforming the Clean Development Mechanism
141
Michaela Lau, Olivia Rumble and Phillipa Niland
Introduction
142
The clean development mechanism in a nutshell
144
The application of the clean development mechanism
144
Increasing the scope of the clean development mechanism
145
Correcting distributional imbalances and imblances in project types
149
Reform of the verification and certification criteria
150
Institutional reform
154
Reform of the adaptation fund
156
Conclusion
159
Chapter 8
The clean development mechanism and forestry projects in Cameroon
The case of forestry projects in Cameroon
171
Christopher F Tamasang
Introduction
171
The clean development mechanism requirements or conditonality
173
Clean development mechanism requirements for forestry projects
173
Trends, challenges and opportunities related to the attainment
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of CDM requirements in african forestry projects
182
Legal responses and progress mechanisms
185
Conclusion
186
Chapter 9
Regulatory mechanisms for implementing renewable energy projects in
Uganda
197
Emmanuel Kasimbazi
Introduction
198
Potential for rrenewable energy resources in Uganda
198
Implementation of CDM projects in the renewable energy sub-sector
200
The regulatory framework for clean development mechanism under the
renewable energy sub-sector
203
Challenges for the implementation of clean development mechanism projects
in the renewable energy resources sub-sector
214
Conclusion and recommendations
216
Part S Human Rights Approaches to Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation
Chapter 10
Climate change and the international human rights framework in Africa ..227
Rose Mwebaza
Introduction
228
The nexus between climate change and human rights
229
The impact of climate change on human rights in Africa
234
Mitigating and adapting to the impacts of climate change through the
international human rights framework
242
Conclusion
253
Chapter 11
Implications of climate change for the right to health in Uganda
263
Ben Kilomba Twinomugisha
Introduction
264
Climate change and public health: An overview
265
The interface between environment, human rights, and climate change
267
The normative content of the right to health
271
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Strategies for addressing the impact of climate change on the right to health
273
Conclusion
276
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Preface
Africa is one of the most vulnerable continents to climate change and climate
variability, a situation aggravated by the interaction of 'multiple stresses,
occurring at various levels, and low adaptive capacity ... Africa's major eco-
nomic sectors are vulnerable to current climate sensitivity, with huge economic
impacts, and this vulnerability is exacerbated by existing developmental chal-
lenges such as endemic poverty, complex governance and institutional dimen-
sions; limited access to capital, including markets, infrastructure and technol-
ogy; ecosystem degradation; and complex disasters and conflicts. These in turn
have contributed to Africa's weak adaptive capacity, increasing the continent's
vulnerability to projected climate change.'
With these somber words, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) confirmed in 2007 that Africa is one of the continents on earth that
is most susceptible to the potentially devastating effects of climate change. In
the African context, the ecological impacts resulting from climate change are
compounded by, what the IPCC terms, 'multiple stresses. These stresses mani-
fest themselves in various forms, including, inter alit': immense socioeconomic
challenges such as poverty; lack of basic amenities which negatively affect mate-
rial conditions for human welfare; lack of good governance practices; political
instability and armed conflicts; displacement of people as a result of human-
induced and natural disasters; the prevalence and increase of diseases, par-
ticularly HIV/AIDS; wide-spread human rights abuses; developing economies
attempting to claim their rightful place in the world economic order; and lack
of financial resources. The Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change (2007) details and further elaborates on all these chal-
lenges and paints a particularly gloomy picture for the continent's future and
the enormous challenges that lie ahead in progressively and effectively address-
ing the challenges.
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It is therefore not surprising that climate change constitutes one of the
most topical themes increasingly permeating the current development debate,
especially insofar as climate change will require a paradigm shift regarding
approaches to sustainable development and the attainment of the Millennium
Development Goals in Africa. Sustainable development is a complex phenom-
enon. It therefore seems pertinent to engage in vigorous discourse to devise
strategies to ameliorate the severe impact of climate change on developing coun-
tries and, more specifically, the vulnerable countries situated on the African
continent. Effectively tackling climate change requires a multi-disciplinary
approach. Law, and more specifically, environmental law, plays an important
role in this respect, especially insofar as legal mechanisms are able to shape the
behaviour of people with respect to their interaction with the environment.
The manner in which law could be used to address the deleterious effects of
climate change accordingly provides numerous opportunities to reinvigorate
the debate surrounding climate change and its effects on developing coun-
tries, particularly, those situated on the African continent. In response to the
latter, the Environment Security Programme (ESP) of the Institute for Security
Studies (ISS), Nairobi, and the Centre for Advanced Environmental Studies in
Environmental Law and Policy (CASELAP) at the University of Nairobi, or-
ganised a scientific conference which specifically sought to investigate the chal-
lenges of climate change in Africa and to formulate possible legal responses to
address some of these challenges. This scientific conference that was held from
23-25 March 2009 at the Silver Springs Hotel in Nairobi, Kenya, coincided with
the Third Symposium of the Association of Environmental Law Lecturers from
African Universities (ASSELAU). This book contains a selection of papers pre-
sented at the scientific conference.
The book is divided into five parts. Part 1 contains papers that seek to
present a general overview of climate change issues in some African countries.
In Chapter 1, Mwebaza investigates the impact of climate change on East
Africa. The author notes that East Africa is set to be one of the areas to be worst
hit by climate Change in Africa. The worst impacts of climate change in this
area are projected to be at principally two levels; the human impact and the
environmental or biodiversity impact. The major human impacts of climate
change have been observed in the areas of human health, food security and
access to water for domestic and industrial use. Environmental and biodiversity
impacts, on the other hand, have mainly been felt through a rise in sea level
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along the East African Coast, and loss of biodiversity resulting form extreme
weather patterns and changes. The author proposes that, given the observed
and projected impacts of climate change in East Africa, governments in
the region need to make more concerted efforts to deal with the impacts of
climate change. These efforts should include development of appropriate legal
and policy regimes at national and regional level and the mainstreaming of
climate change issues in all sectors, especially those projected to suffer the
greatest impacts of climate change.
In Chapter 2, Busingye provides an enlightening perspective on the rela-
tionship between gender roles, land degradation and climate change in Uganda.
The author contends that this relationship is one of cause-and-effect and that a
proper understanding of this relationship would enable the creation of mecha-
nisms to address challenges posed by climate change. Busingye suggests this re-
lational model shows that gender roles, which are a function of social-cultural,
economic and political underpinnings of society, are at the confluence between
two other concepts, namely, land degradation and climate change. The author
points out in this respect that land degradation is aggravated by unsustainable
human activities including over-cultivation, overgrazing and failure to agree
on which activity is suitable for which environment by the two genders in a
household, namely women and men. Women in particular are disempowered
by society's social-cultural constructs and as such cannot meaningfully con-
tribute to decisions relating to the sustainable utilisation of family land. Against
this broader context, the author suggests that a proper understanding of the
linkage between gender roles, land degradation and climate change is useful in
addressing social-cultural issues since these are all factors, which may influence
the challenges posed by climate change.
Part 2 of the monograph focuses on approaches to mitigate the harmful
effects of climate change in certain African countries. In Chapter 3,
Mwiturubani reflects on the role of informal institutions in enhancing coping
mechanisms to deal with the impacts of climate change in the Lake Victoria
Basin (LVB). The author states that an IPCC analysis of the impacts of climate
change suggests that in sub-Saharan Africa, where the majority of the popula-
tion depends on rain-fed agriculture, economic activities are likely to be more
vulnerable to climate change. This is so because the coping mechanisms of the
indigenous communities in the rural areas are limited due to a lack of appropri-
ate technology. A survey of households and interviews involving key informants
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in the LVB, however, illustrates that local people in the LVB, through their
informal institutions, have been developing different (informal) strategies to
deal with the impacts of climate change. Mwiturubani suggests that these strat-
egies are in most instances adaptable to changing ecological conditions and
are effective and useful in responding to natural resource constraints caused
by climate change. Some of the strategies include: creating and implementing
specific rules on access to and utilisation of some specific natural resources
such as those in the water catchment areas; creating and implementing rules
on the type of crops to be grown; creating and implementing restrictions on the
type of harvests to be sold; and disseminating knowledge of weather forecasts
informed by indigenous-based tools and indicators to understand the onset and
end of rainfall. The author concludes by proposing several recommendations
to the governments in the region to formulate policies and enact laws with a
view to supporting informal institutions and indigenous-based technologies for
sustainable development.
Part 3 of the monograph is dedicated to papers focusing on climate change
adaptation. In Chapter 4, Habtezion provides a general overview of adaptation
policies in Africa, and specifically Eritrea, and also reflects on the challenges and
opportunities in the application of tools and methods related to climate change.
The author argues that scientific advances in seasonal and multi-decadal pre-
dictions in climate variability and change have laid bare the enormity of chal-
lenges in adaptation, and have also highlighted some impediments in pushing
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)
process forward. The author points out that currently, a range of tools and
methods exist, or are being developed, to facilitate access, understanding and
application of climate data, which could be employed by least developed coun-
tries (LDCs) in the design of appropriate adaptation policies, strategic pathways
and enabling legislation. These tools and methods are essential for making
science-based policy decisions on adaptation. The author, however, finds that
the complexity and cost associated with such data, tools and methods do not
always coincide with the state of human resources and technological capacity of
African LDCs and, as such, their effect on the design of adaptation processes is
bound to be limited. Habtezion contends that increased efforts need to be made
through the UNFCCC process, as well as through possible regional initiatives,
to enhance the capacity of African LDCs in the application of available tools
and methods related to climate change, also with a view to ensuring that these
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tools and methods are considered to be an integral part of ongoing discourse on
climate change financing, and the transfer and deployment of technology. The
author concludes that parallel to such efforts, regulatory measures are needed to
ensure harmonisation of environmental/natural resource-related laws and poli-
cies and coordination among relevant institutions, with the view to facilitating
adaptation mainstreaming into development planning. In Chapter 5, Ladan
investigates the myriad legislative and regulatory challenges faced in promot-
ing efficient and renewable energy with respect to climate change mitigation
in Nigeria. The author contends that while much has been written about the
science, technology and policies for promoting energy efficiency and renewable
energy, little has been written on the legislative and regulatory options that are
necessary to implement these technologies and policies. He proposes that by
promoting clean and efficient energy use at the legislative and regulatory levels,
governments will be able to ensure that all stakeholders have the opportunity
and incentives to adopt new practices that will help to mitigate climate change
and reduce pollution while keeping on the path of economic and social devel-
opment. Ladan supports his arguments by: emphasising the importance of ef-
ficient and renewable energy to produce electricity for the mitigation of climate
change; providing an overview of the policy, legislative and regulatory measures
available to promote energy efficiency and renewable energy; and highlighting
the challenges and strategies to overcome the barriers to the effective use and
regulation of renewable energy in Nigeria. In Chapter 6, Laltaika specifically
focuses on the use of biofuels in the Tanzanian context and, for this purpose,
discusses various legal challenges and recommendations for change in this
respect. By surveying evidence of climate change, rising prices of fossil fuels and
the ever-increasing demand for energy, the author underscores the importance
of investing in alternative fuels in Tanzania and also discusses the effects of
agrofuels on biodiversity conservation, food security and land tenure. Laltaika
argues that precautionary measures should be adopted and implemented to
ensure that this propelling industry does not cause more harm than good to the
environment.
Part 4 of the monograph focuses on the Clean Development Mechanism
(CDM) in the African context. It contains three chapters dealing specifically
with this issue. Chapter 7 provides an African perspective on reforming the
CDM. Lau, Rumble and Niland eloquently argue that the idea behind the CDM
is that developing nations will benefit from sustainable development in the
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form of 'climate-friendly' projects that reduce emissions of greenhouse gases
(GHGs) while developed nations receive Certified Emissions Reduction (CERs)
credits that may be used for compliance purposes. However, since its inception,
a number of problems have arisen with this mechanism. The authors proceed
to analyse the problems inherent in the formulation and implementation of
the current CDM from an African perspective, and in doing so, consider an
array of possible solutions to these shortcomings with a view to informing the
possible reform of the CDM in the Copenhagen Protocol, which will replace
the Kyoto Protocol at the end of the first commitment period in 2012. The
authors also include in their discussion an analysis of options for scaling up
the CDM to promote more active participation of African nations in the post-
2012 climate regime. In Chapter 8, Tamasang investigates the CDM and its
potential for climate change mitigation in Africa by specifically focusing on
forestry projects in Cameroon. For this purpose, the author turns his atten-
tion to the issue of conditionality by drawing from the provisions of the Kyoto
Protocol and certain decisions of the Conference of the Parties to the Protocol.
The issue of conditionality is also examined within the context of African
forest projects in general and Cameroon forest projects in particular. The
author concludes that there are a number of legal concerns under the Kyoto
Protocol which require review if the objectives of the CDM are to be achieved.
He further proposes that a more viable option for an effective climate change
governance mechanism would consist of efforts to complement project devel-
opment with litigation. In Chapter 9, Kasimbazi provides a critical review of
regulatory mechanisms for implementing renewable energy CDM projects in
Uganda. In doing so, the author assesses the various challenges and opportuni-
ties associated with the current Ugandan regulatory framework and he argues
that the success of CDM projects in the renewable energy sub-sector largely
depends on the existence of an adequate regulatory framework. An examina-
tion of Uganda's policy and legal framework reveals that, generally considered,
it is adequate to implement renewable energy CDM projects. The author,
however, finds that there are other non-legal limitations that curb the effective
operation of the regulatory framework and that, if these limitations are not ad-
dressed, the regulatory framework and several CDM projects are likely to fail.
Kasimbazi concludes by providing several recommendations directed to the
appropriate authorities, which may assist in overcoming current deficiencies
in this respect.
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Parts of the monograph is devoted to the issue of human rights approaches
to climate change mitigation and adaptation. In Chapter 10, Mwebaza points
out that while there is a vibrant global discourse on climate change and the
serious threats it poses to both the environment and humanity, there is little in
this discourse focusing on how climate change will adversely affect fundamen-
tal human rights of present and future generations. She finds that there is even
less discourse on how the fundamental rights of the most vulnerable people of
Africa will be affected by climate change, and that little or no attention is af-
forded to the need to integrate human rights into the climate change mitigation
and adaptation policies and strategies being implemented in various African
countries. Mwebaza concludes that, for African countries to effectively respond
to the challenges of climate change and its impact on the fundamental rights of
people, these countries must integrate basic human rights standards and norms
as contained in the international human rights framework into their mitigation
and adaptation policies and strategies. She further contends that until and unless
fundamental human rights are integrated into Africa's efforts to mitigate and/
or adapt to climate change, any efforts undertaken to respond to the impacts
of climate change will only result in minor successes. Twinomugisha discusses
the implications of climate change for the right to health in Uganda in Chapter
II. The author points out that climate change may adversely affect access to ad-
equate housing, clean and safe water, sanitation, and adequate nutrition, all of
which have implications for the right to health. Yet, as Twinomugisha indicates,
Uganda is obliged by its constitution and various human rights instruments to
progressively realise the right to health of its people. Pursuant to its constitu-
tional and international obligations, Uganda has, in partnership with the inter-
national community, undertaken measures to enhance public health. However,
the gains made in the area of public health may be undermined by the negative
impacts of climate change. The author succinctly argues in this respect that the
fulfillment of human rights, such as the right to health, can significantly con-
tribute to efforts aimed at addressing the consequences of climate change. He
concludes that for Uganda to fulfill its obligation to realise the right to health,
it must devise and implement legislative and policy strategies to prevent the
deleterious consequences of climate change on human health.
This book does not attempt to provide profound solutions to all the chal-
lenges posed by climate change in Africa. Rather, it aims to contribute to the
ongoing discussion by investigating certain aspects of climate change and the
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manner in which these manifest themselves in a selection of African countries.
It also acknowledges the dearth of literature dealing specifically with climate
change and its effects on the African continent. It is therefore hoped that the
collection of insights presented in this book would contribute to and further
encourage debate surrounding what is perhaps currently one of the most press-
ing issues in modern day society.
Rose Mwebaza and Louis J Kotth
The Editors-in-Chief
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About the Editors
■ Dr Louis J Kotze is professor of law at the Faculty of Law, North West
University, South Africa, where he teaches environmental law at pre- and
post-graduate level. He is the co-coordinator of the LLM Programme in
Environmental Law and Governance at the Faculty of Law. His research
focuses, among others, on environmental governance and European, inter-
national and domestic environmental law. He has published extensively on
these themes, and has co-authored and co-edited various national and inter-
national environmental law textbooks, the most recent publications being: L
J Kotze and A R Paterson AR The Role of the Judiciary in Environmental
Governance: Comparative Perspectives (Kluwer Law International, 2009),
and A R Paterson and L J Kota' (eds) Environmental Compliance and
Enforcement in South Africa: Legal Perspectives (Juta, 2009). He serves on
the executive editorial boards of various international and national environ-
mental law journals. He is a member of, among others, the South African
Environmental Law Association, the IUCN Academy of Environmental
Law, the IUCN Commission on Environmental Law, the Global Ecological
Integrity Group, the International Network for Environmental Compliance
and Enforcement, and the IUCN Commission on Environmental Law
Specialist Group on Environmental Governance. He is also a member of
the Association of Environmental Law Lecturers from African Universities
(ASSELLAU), and co-chair of the Association's Editorial Board.
■ Dr Rose Mwebaza is a Senior Legal Advisor on Environmental Security
at the Institute for Security Studies in Nairobi, Kenya. She is a former Carl
Duisberg Research Fellow at the IUCN Centre for Environmental Law in
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Bonn Germany and a former Lecturer and Deputy Dean at the Faculty of
Law Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. Her research interests include
environmental governance, environmental security, natural resources man-
agement, trade and environment; climate change, gender and rights based
approaches to environmental governance. She is a member of the IUCN
Academy of Environmental Lawyers.
CO-EDITORS
■ Dr Kwadwo Appiagyei•Atua is Senior Lecturer at the Faculty of Law,
University of Ghana, Legon, Accra. He teaches Public International Law,
International Environmental Law and International Human Rights Law. His
areas of interest and specialisation are in the relationship between human
rights, environmental law and development as well as post•conflict and tran-
sitional justice issues. Dr Appiagyei•Atua has done consultancy work in the
above areas with organisations such as International Centre for Transitional
Justice (ICTJ), New York, NY, USA and the Africa Governance Monitoring
and Advocacy Project, London, UK as Lead Researcher the publication on
AfriMAP - Justice Sector and the Rule of Law). Kwadwo is a member of the
Ghana Bar Association; the Association of Environmental Law Lecturers
from African Universities (ASSELLAU) and member of the Association's
Editorial Board; as well as being an Associate Editor of the University of
Ghana Law Journal..
■ Dr Twinomugisha Ben Kiromba is an Associate Professor and the Dean of
Law at Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. He has taught, researched
and published in the areas of environmental law, gender, health and human
rights. He is also an advocate of Courts of Judicature in Uganda, practicing
with Twinomugisha Shokoro and Company Advocates.
■ Ms Odile Lim Tung teaches environmental law at the University of Mauritius
and is the current leader for the theme 'Comparison of laws and policies
on energy: Reunion Island and Mauritius' for the 'Maurice Ile Durable'
project. Her research interests are in environmental law and medical law.
She is a member of the University of Mauritius 'Multidisciplinary Centre
of Excellence: Environment, Water and Energy' as well as a member of the
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ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
National Invasive Alien Species Committee which was set up to draw a
national action plan against invasive alien species in Mauritius. Over the
past three years, she has also been a member of the Mauritian Law Reform
Commission. She is one of the co•editors of the Association's Editorial
Board and a member of the Association of Environmental Law Lecturers
from African Universities (ASSELLAU).
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About the Authors
■ Zerisenay Habtezion LLB, (University of Asmara) LLM (UCLA). 'The
author is presently a visiting research fellow at the W E B Du Bois Institute
for African and African American Research, Harvard University. He is a
member of the IUCN Commission of Environmental Law and, presently a
member of the executive council of the Association of African Environmental
Law Lecturers from African Universities (ASSELLAU).
■ Dr Donald Anthony Mwiturubani is a senior researcher in the
Environmental Security Programme at the Nairobi office. He holds a
BA degree in land use planning and environmental studies, an MA in
geography and environmental studies, MRes (Master of Research) and
PhD (Water Resources Management). Dr Mwiturubani has over ten years
research experience in water resources management with gender perspec-
tives; corruption and governance; youth and HIV/AIDS; traditional (in-
digenous) knowledge systems; tourism management; and environmental
crimes management. He has over eight years teaching experience at the
University level where taught courses on hydrometeorology, water re-
sources management, tourism management and research methods at the
Univeristy of Dar es Salaam.
■ Dr Emmanuel Kasimbazi is the Head of Department; Public and
Comparative Law at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala,
Uganda. He has a PhD Degree in International Water Law from the
University of KwaZulu•Natal, Durban, South Africa. He is a member of
the IUCN Commission on Environmental law. He has consulted for many
international and national agencies including the World Bank, African
Development Bank, United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP),
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ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS), Nile Basin Initiative,
European Union, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Food
and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), Germany Technical Cooperation
(GTZ), United States Agency for International Development (USAID)
Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) and Danish
International Development Agency (DANIDA).
■ Dr Muhammed Tawfiq Ladan LLB (1986), LLM (1990) and PhD (1997))
is a Professor of Law with specialisation in comparative jurisprudence,
human rights, and environmental laws at the Department of Public Law of
the Faculty of Law, A hmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna State, Nigeria.
Professor Ladan is a member of the World Jurist Association, Washington
DC, USA; IUCN Academy of Environmental Law; Association of African
Environmental Law Scholars; a Hubert Humphrey Fellow, USA; member,
Nigerian Society of International Law, and Member IUCN Commission on
Environmental Law.
■ Dr Christopher Funiwe Tamasag holds a PhD in Environmental Law from
the University of Yaounde II•Cameroon where is also a senior lecturer in law
in the Faculty of Laws and Political Science. He is member of the Association
of Environmental Law Lecturers from African Universities, the IUCN
Academy of Environmental Law, and Network for Environment Education
and Sustainability in West and Central Africa. His present research interests
include climate change law, sustainable development law, indigenous and
customary law, water law, mining law and intellectual property law relating
to the environment.
■ Major Godard Busingye is a Senior Legal Advisor in the Ministry of Defense
in Uganda and a Lecturer at the Uganda Christian UniversitrMukono
specialising in Environmental Law and Policy. Godard is also an Associate
Consultant at the Uganda Management Institute (UMI) and External
Examiner for the Law Development Centre, Kampala, Uganda. He is an
Advocate of the Courts of Judicature in Uganda and Member of the Uganda
Law Society and the East African Law Society. He has long standing exile-
rience as Legal Consultant in the fields of Environmental Law, Legislative
Drafting, Review of Legislation and provision of advice to the government
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and other institutions in the field of Environmental and Natural Resources
Law, Human Rights, Taxation and Intellectual Property law.
■ Eliamani Laltaika is a Doctoral Candidate at the Max Planck Institute for
Intellectual Property, Competition and Tax Law, Munich Germany. He is
also a lecturer in Intellectual Property and Environmental Law at the Faculty
of Law, Tumaini University-Iringa University College, Tanzania. He holds
an LLM Intellectual Property Law from the Munich Intellectual Property
Law Centre MIPLC, Munich•Germany; LLM Environmental Law from the
University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa and Bachelor of Laws LLB-Hons
from Tumaini University-Iringa University College-Tanzania.
■ Michaela Lau, Olivia Rumble and Phillipa Niland are LLM (Environmental
Law) students at the University of Cape Town.
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PART I
Climate Change in Africa
General Perspectives
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1 The impact of climate
change in eastern Africa
ROSE MWEBAZA
ABSTRACT
East Africa is projected to suffer some of the worst impacts of climate change
in Africa. These impacts are projected to be in primarily two areas: the human
impacts and the environmental or biodiversity impacts. The major human
impacts of climate change have been observed in the areas of human health,
food security and access to water for domestic and industrial use. Environmental
and biodiversity impacts, on the other hand, have mainly been felt through the
sea level rise along the East African Coast, and loss of biodiversity resulting
from extreme weather patterns and changes.
However, in spite of the projected impacts of climate change in the region,
there is nothing or little that has been done by the countries to prepare to
respond adequately to the impacts of climate change. This chapter will examine
in detail the projected impacts of climate change in East Africa. In particu-
lar, the chapter will examine the impact of climate change on human health,
food security and access to water. The chapter will also recommend the need
for policy action at both local and national level as means of responding to the
impacts of climate change.
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INTRODUCTION
Climate change has been described as the leading challenge of our time. The
UN Secretary-General Mr Ban Ki-moon describes it as 'the most global of
problems' facing our times. While speaking at the meeting of the industrial-
ised nations of the Group of Eight (G8) gathered at Heiligendamm, Germany,
Mr Ban Ki-moon stated that forces must be mustered to fight global warming
under a multilateral process within the UN framework. He said that climate
change and how we address it will define us, our era and ultimately the global
legacy we leave for future generations.'
He noted that while wealthy nations possess the resources and know-how
to adapt to the effects of climate change, African countries face a bigger chal-
lenge in dealing with the effects of climate change. He noted further that an
African farmer losing crops or herds to drought and dust storms is infinitely
more vulnerable. Large-scale adaptation and its funding to the order of billions
of dollars a year to manage climate-change impacts, particularly in the develop-
ing world, will be needed. He spoke of a Namibian representative who, at the
UN Security Council Meeting in April 2007, stated that climate change is not
an academic exercise but a matter of life and death, especially as the Kalahari
Desert is expanding, destroying farm land and rendering whole regions in his
country uninhabitable.' A French representative at the same meeting described
climate change as the number one threat to mankind!
Mr Ban Ki-moon is not alone in his call for global action on climate change.
Honourable Helen Clark, former prime minister of New Zealand, notes that the
issues raised by climate change have given a tangible core and renewed sense of
urgency to the goal of sustainable development'
But climate change is not just about the environment. As Sir Emry Jones
Parry notes, climate change is transforming the way we think about security.
While this will not be the first time people will have fought over land, water and
other resources, the scale of the conflicts resulting from climate change means
that they are likely to dwarf the conflicts of the past.' A report published on the
16 April 2007 by the Military Advisory Board of the United States notes that
projected climate change poses a serious threat to America's national security
because it will be a multiplier of instability in some of the most volatile regions
in the world. However, it is not just America that will suffer these projected
changes. Africa is projected to suffer the brunt of climate change because of
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its limited capacity to adapt. From flooding to disease and famine, migration
in areas of high tension to drought and crop failure, from increased competi-
tion for food, water and energy in a continent in which resources are already
stretched to the limit to economic disruption on an unprecedented scale, Africa
is likely to suffer the full force of the projected impacts of climate change and
the domino effect of this is bound to be felt by the rest of the world.
In recognition of the growing importance of the discourse on climate
change, the UN Security Council, in an unprecedented move, recognised
climate change as a core security issue on the 17 April 2007. Nevertheless, as Sir
Emry Jones Parry notes, climate change and security should not be looked at
within the traditional narrow confines of national security. Climate change and
human security is about collective security in a fragile and increasingly inter-
dependent world and, tragically, it will be the most vulnerable and least able to
cope, most of whom are on the African continent, who will be hit first"
At the world gathering on climate change in Bali, there was unanimous
consensus among the conference of parties delegates that there was need to ur-
gently enhance implementation of the UN Framework Convention on Climate
Change in order to achieve its ultimate objective in full accordance with its
principles and commitments?
It is in the context of the recognised importance of climate change at a
global level that this paper seeks to present the impact of climate change in East
Africa. In order to understand the context within which climate change is hap-
pening in East Africa, the paper will commence with an expository background
of East Africa. It will review the major geophysical features, its biodiversity and
the population that will be affected by the impacts of climate change. It will
then proceed to examine the emerging evidence on climate change before pro-
ceeding to present the impact of climate change in East Africa. The paper will
end with a conclusion based on the emerging evidence on climate change and
its impact in East Africa.
East Africa is traditionally comprised of three countries: Uganda, Kenya and
Tanzania. However, the political definition of East Africa now includes Rwanda
and Burundi. Geographically, the East African region is described to include
the coastal countries of Mozambique, Somalia, the island of Madagascar, the
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three archipelagoes of Comoros, Mauritius and Seychelles, and the French
Territories of La Reunion.'
In order to give scope to the presentation, the paper will focus on the
impact of climate change on the four East African countries of Uganda, Kenya,
Tanzania and Rwanda.
The four countries have a combined population of over 107 million people.
The population has doubled in the last 25 years and is expected to grow by 63
per cent in the next 25 years to reach 175 million. The population is predomi-
nantly young, with over 40 per cent under the age of 15.9
The four countries cover a total land area of 167.45 million hectares, which
is 7 per cent of sub-Saharan Africa's land area. Rwanda has the highest share of
its land under permanent cultivation, which increased from 48 per cent to 56
per cent between 1992 and 2002. Tanzania has the lowest share of land under
cultivation, accounting for just 5 to 6 per cent of its total land area. Uganda's
total land under cultivation amounts to 35 to 37 per cent, while Kenya's land
area under permanent cultivation is a mere 8 to 9 per cent.'°
The amount of land allocated to pasture is highest in Tanzania at 40 per
cent, followed by Kenya at 37 per cent and Uganda at 26 per cent. Rwanda has
seen its share of land allocated to pastoralism reduced from 26 to 19 per cent
between 1992 and 2002."
The amount of forested land has declined in the four countries in the last
ten years, with Rwanda witnessing a decline from 17 to 12 per cent. Tanzania's
decline was from 42 to 41 per cent; Kenya's forest cover has shrunk by 2 per
cent, while Uganda's forests have shrunk by 4 per cent. In total, the region lost
2 923 000 hectares of forested land in a period of ten years (1990-2000). This is
an area greater than Rwanda's total land area of 2 467 000 hectares!'
The region has 192 cubic kilometers of renewable water resources each
year. Tanzania enjoys 47 per cent of this resource, Uganda 34 per cent, Kenya
12 per cent and Rwanda 3 per cent. Tanzania accounts for the highest water
withdrawal at 49 per cent, followed by Kenya at 40 per cent, with Uganda and
Rwanda withdrawing 8 per cent and 3 per cent respectively. Water withdrawal
in the region is primarily for agriculture, with Tanzania's agricultural usage
amounting to 93 per cent, Kenya 64 per cent, and Uganda and Rwanda 39 per
cent. Water usage for industrial production is minimal, accounting for just 1
per cent in Tanzania, 6 per cent in Kenya, 15 per cent in Uganda and 14 per
cent in Rwanda."
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ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZt
An important aspect of water usage in the region is Lake Victoria, the second
largest fresh water body in the world, which is shared by the three countries of
East Africa. The lake is also important geopolitically for its downstream users
in Sudan and Egypt. However, since 2003, the lake has experienced a drop in its
water level. Recent studies on the lake reveal that 45 per cent of the drop in the
water level of the lake is attributable to drought and 55 per cent to the over•release
of water from the Owen Falls Dam!' The East African of March 13 to19 2006
also reports that the drop in the level of lake Victoria can be attributed to global
warming associated with the emission of greenhouse gases (GHG) by Western
countries and the drying up of its two major contributory rivers, Kagera and
Nzoia, which contribute over 47 per cent of all the water to Lake Victoria.
In terms of biodiversity, the region has a total area of 19,2 million hectares of
protected areas. This accounts for 11 per cent of the total land area of the region
and accounts for 2,4 per cent of all protected areas in the world. Tanzania has
protected 15,6 per cent of its land area, Uganda 8,9 per cent, Kenya 6,1 per cent
and Rwanda 7,9 per cent. The four countries have between themselves protected
19 marine areas, 11 biosphere reserves and ten internationally important wet-
lands. The four countries are home to 1 348 species of mammals of which 109
are threatened or endangered. There are also 3 839 species of birds, comprising
a significant 38 per cent of the global total. The region is also host to 23 702
species of plants, comprising of 9 per cent of the global total. 'S
There is now indisputable evidence that climate change is happening in Africa,
as it is in the rest world, and that it is not only bringing with it changes to biodi-
versity but also social and economic impacts.
Climate change is defined by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) as a change in the state of the climate that can be identified by changes in
the mean and/ or the variability of its properties and that persist for an extended
period, typically decades or longer. It also refers to any change in climate over
time, whether due to natural variability or as a result of human activity. This
definition of climate change is different from the one used by the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which only refers to
climate change as attributable directly or indirectly to human activity that alters
the composition of the global atmosphere which is in addition to human activity
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that alters the composition of the global atmosphere and that is in addition to
natural climate variability observed over compared over time periods.'
Scientists now tell us with certainty that the global surface temperature is
rising and this is largely due to human activities. Human activities are chang-
ing the composition of the earth's atmosphere. Increasing levels of GHGs like
carbon dioxide in the atmosphere are largely a result of the burning of fossil
fuels. Once emitted, these gases remain in the atmosphere for periods ranging
from decades to centuries. The burning of fossil fuels also results in the emis-
sion of aerosols that absorb and emit heat, and reflect light. The addition of
these gases and aerosols has changed the atmosphere, leading to changes in
temperature, precipitation, storms and sea level.
The IPCC projects that if GHG emissions continue to rise at their current
rates, the mean global temperatures will rise by a substantial 1,4 to 5,8 degrees
Celsius by the end of the 21st century." Observed evidence by the panel of sci-
entists further indicates that 11 of the 12 years between the period 1995 to 2006
rank among the 12 warmest years in the instrumental record of the global surface
temperatures since 1850. The temperature increase is widespread and is greatest
at the higher northern latitudes. Land regions have warmed faster than oceans 18
The panel also projects that global warming this century is likely to trigger
serious consequences that include rise in sea levels. Global average sea level rose
at an average rate of 1,8 mm per year in the period 1961 to 2003 and at a stag-
gering average rate of about 3,1 to 3,8 mm per year in the period 1993 to 2003."
Observed decreases in snow and ice are consistent with global warming.
There is evidence to show that the annual average arctic sea ice has shrunk by
2,7 to 2,3 per cent per decade. There is also observational evidence of increased
tropical cyclone activity in some regions.30
It is therefore very clear that there currently exists objectively verifiable
evidence to demonstrate that climate change is happening and that, unless
something is done, it is only likely to get worse in the near future. Any inten-
tion of containing climate change will therefore depend to a large extent on the
extent to which GHGs and aerosols are controlled and regulated and the extent
to which features of the climate respond to GHG and aerosol concentrations.
It is important to note that, in addition to human activity, natural influ-
ences also play a big part in climate change and so influences, such as those from
volcanic activity and changes in the sun's intensity, will, to a great extent, affect
climate change. Volcanism affects climate by causing cooling for a period of a few
8
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years. The sun, as the ultimate source of all the heat in the climate system, also
affects climate change. The sun is getting brighter with higher energy output as it
continues its slow evolution. Orbital variations which are considered by some sci-
entists to be extensions of solar variability also cause changes in the distribution
and abundance of sunlight reaching the earth's surface, thus affecting climate. In
addition to the effect of the sun, plate tectonics also contributes to climate change
as plate tectonics reposition continents, shape oceans, build and tear down moun-
tains, and generally define the stage upon which climate exists."
Climate change is not a new phenomenon. The earth's climate has changed
throughout history, from the glacial periods or ice ages, where ice covered
significant portions of the earth, to interglacial periods where ice retreated to
the poles or melted entirely. These changes were triggered by a combination of
forces such as changes in the earth's orbit, changes in the sun's intensity, vol-
canic activity and changes in ocean currents.
However, since the Industrial Revolution, human activities, especially the
burning of fossil fuels and biomass, have added to the amount of heat-trapping
GHGs in the atmosphere. The IPCC reported in 2005 that the atmospheric
concentration of carbon monoxide has risen to 379 ppm' compared to the pre-
industrial levels of 280 pmm'. "
Manufacturing is said to contribute significantly to climate change and
cement manufacturing alone is said to be the third-largest cause of manmade
carbon dioxide emissions. Cement production is responsible for approximately
2,5 per cent of total worldwide emissions from industrial sources."
Other human activities that have contributed to climate change include
changes in land use and cover which have affected temperatures by changing the
amount of solar radiation the land reflects and absorbs. Activities such as defor-
estation, reforestation, desertification and urbanisation influence climate change
by affecting temperature, wind and precipitation in the places where they occur.
Changes in land use also affect the amount of carbon dioxide taken up or seques-
tered or released by the land surface. A famous hypothesis by William Ruddiman
suggests that the rise of agriculture and the accompanying deforestation led to
the increase in carbon dioxide and methane 5 000-8 000 years ago?'
A 2006 UN report, titled Livestock's Long Shadow, asserts that livestock is
responsible for 18 per cent of the world's GHG emissions as measured in carbon
dioxide measurements. It was further reported that, in addition to carbon mon-
oxide, livestock produces 65 per cent of human-induced nitrous oxide, which
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has 296 times more the global•warming potential of carbon monoxide, and 37
per cent of human•induced methane, which has 23 times the global•warming
potential of carbon monoxide.
Other evidence of climate change reported by Butterfly Conservation in the UK
states that climate change has changed the migratory patterns of species. They report
that relatively common species with a southerly distribution have moved north,
while scarce upland species have become rarer and even been lost. Organisations
such as Wildlife Trust, World Wide Fund for Nature, and Birdlife International are
actively monitoring the effects of climate change on biodiversity.
It is therefore clear that climate change is a reflection of the variations in the
earth's atmosphere, processes in other parts of the earth such as oceans, and
the effects of human activity.
Introduction
East Africa is considered to be one of the areas on the African continent most
vulnerable to climate change and its impacts. The impact of climate change in
East Africa has been observed at principally two basic levels: the human impact
and the environmental or biodiversity impact. The major human impacts of
climate change have been mainly observed in the areas of human health, food
security and access to water for domestic and industrial use. Environmental
and biodiversity impacts on the other hand have mainly been felt through rising
sea levels along the East African Coast and loss of biodiversity resulting from
extreme weather patterns and changes.
It is important to note at the onset that these impacts of climate change are
likely to be aggravated by the interaction of other stressors prevalent within the
region, such as extreme poverty, limited access to capital, ecosystem degrada-
tion, complex disasters and conflicts.
Human impacts of climate change
Food security's
Food security in most of East Africa is not guaranteed through the market
but through seasonal rain•fed subsistence farming. Eighty per cent of the
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population in the region depends on agriculture for a livelihood. Food security
in the region is therefore intricately tied to climate variability and the predict-
ability of planting and harvesting seasons.
However, since 1996 there has been a marked variation in the amount of
rain falling in the region as a result of climate change. This has in turn affected
agricultural production, which has in turn affected food security. Funk et al
report that between 1996 and 2003 there was a dramatic decline of rainfall in
the region of between 50-150 mm per season.'' In addition to the decline in
rainfall, there is also a growing variation and deviation from normal growing
seasons which affects food production and thus food security. The major cause
of these variations and deviations is the El Nifio, which produces abnormally
high amounts of rain in parts of East Africa, leading to flooding.
This decrease and variation in rainfall in the region as a result of climate
change will have a direct impact on crop yields, meat production, fisheries and
sources of wild food for forest•dwelling hunter•gatherer communities. It will
also have the direct impact of increasing encroachment of marginal lands and
protected areas as people look for fertile land for agricultural production to
ensure continued food security. Other direct impacts will include an impact
on people's incomes as a result of less income from agricultural production
resulting from climate change. All this will have severe consequences on the
livelihoods of the community in East Africa and its forms of social protection,
which will be disrupted by the direct and indirect impacts of climate change on
agricultural production and food security.
Furthermore, climate change will affect soil fertility and its ability to retain
the necessary minerals for food production that ensure a balanced diet. The
direct consequence of this will be a reduction in the nutrient content of food
in the region, including protein and gluten contents of grains, and toxin levels
from pests and diseases. The resultant effect of this on human health will include
weakened human body systems and increasing vulnerability to diseases.
It is important to note, however, that the impact of climate change on food
security in the region will be aggravated by the interplay of other factors, such
as economic and social factors that determine the vulnerability of households
and communities in the region, as well as their capacity to adapt." The impact
of climate change on food security also needs to be considered within the wider
discourse on human security, especially the realm of interstate conflict, intr-
astate conflicts and the political economy of the East African countries.
MONOGRAPH 167
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Climate change will not only affect food production but also fisheries.
Climate change in the region has already been blamed for the drop in the levels
of Lake Victoria, which has affected fish volumes in the hitherto well•stocked
lake. Rising temperatures in the region have been blamed for the abnormal
stratification of Lake Tanganyika, which has affected its fishery capacity.
It is therefore no wonder that East Africa is currently considered to be one
of the regions on the African continent prone to food shortages. This is in line
with the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO 2004) report, which
indicates that the number of African food crises per year has tripled in the time
between the 1980s and 2000s.
Access to water
One of the worst predicted impacts of climate change in East Africa is on access
to water for both domestic and industrial use. Currently, two-thirds of all
people in rural Africa and a quarter of urban dwellers lack access to clean safe
drinking water. This situation is likely to be aggravated by the negative effects
of climate change on precipitation in the region. The IPCC notes that climate
change and variability have the potential to impose additional pressure on
water availability, water accessibility and water demand in Africa.28
The shortage of water in the region will mostly be a result of the variability in
the frequency, intensity and predictability of rainfall in the region. The IPCCi9
predicts that warmer temperature in the region will lead to a 5-20 per cent in-
crease in rainfall between December and February and a 5-10 per cent decrease
in rainfall between June and August." However, it notes that these changes are
likely to be sporadic and unpredictable and will not be uniform throughout
the year in the region. This unreliability in the variability of rainfall will affect
water management and thus affect water supply for domestic consumption and
industrial use.
Climate change in the region has also affected water availability as a result
of warming sea surface temperatures in the Indian Ocean off the East African
coast, which has been blamed for the recent reduction in rainfall and droughts in
the equatorial and subtropical East African region." In Tanzania, for example,
high temperatures and less rainfall has been predicted to affect the annual flow
to the Pangani and Ruvu rivers by 6-9 per cent and 10 per cent respectively."
Glaciers also feed the Pangani basin from Mount Kilimanjaro, which are
predicted to disappear completely by 2015-2020. The Pangani basin is one of
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ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
Tanzania's most agriculturally productive areas and the inhabitants of its basin
depend on the melt water from Mount Kilimanjaro and the fog water from the
rainforest for drinking, irrigation and hydropower.' The Pangani basin is also
an important hydropower production region. Because of this, climate change
threatens the productivity and sustainability of this region's resources, which
hosts an estimated 3,7 million people."
Climate change has also had a severe impact on the fluctuations in lake levels
in East Africa. Fluctuations in Lake Victoria have been attributed to climate
change. In 1997/98, floods and rainfall triggered by El NitiO in East Africa re-
sulted in a surface rise of 1,7 metres and disrupted agricultural production and
pastoral systems in the region. The flooding resulting from the phenomenon
also led to the death of over 1 000 people and disrupted communication and
service provision in Uganda." In the same year, while waters were rising in
Lake Victoria, El Nino triggered a severe drought in another location in Kenya,
significantly reducing the availability of hydroelectric power in the region 96
Conway notes, however, that the impact of climate change on access to water
must be considered with caution. For example, he observes that there is no in-
dication of how the Nile flow, which originates in Uganda will be affected by
climate change because of the uncertainty about rainfall patterns in the basin
and the influence of complicated water management and water governance
structures."
Human health
Climate change in East Africa, like elsewhere, is predicted to lead to adverse
human health consequences. Rising temperatures and intense rainfall in the
region have been held responsible for malaria epidemics in the highlands of
Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda. Temperatures affect the development
rates of vectors and parasites, while rainfall affects the availability of mosquito
breeding sites. Changes in climate, such as the persistent warm and rainy days
for more of the year, have led to an increase in malaria in many areas in the
region. In addition, temperatures are warming in the formerly cooler, higher
elevation areas of East Africa, leading to a spread in malaria in areas and popu-
lations that had previously not been exposed to malaria."
Patz et al reported in 2005 that the outbreaks of Rift Valley fever epidemics in
the region are also correlated to climate variability. Between 1950 and 1998, three
quarters of the Rift Valley fever outbreaks occurred during the El Nino seasons."
MONOGRAPH 167
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Environmental and biodiversity impacts of climate change
The increasing rise in temperatures coupled with a reduction in precipitation in
East Africa is leading to changes in land use, which in turn are leading to the
destruction of habitats and disrupting the connectedness of ecosystems, which
could lead to many localised extinction of species.
According to Lovett, climate change is expected to lead to significant altera-
tions to Africa's biodiversity as species struggle to adapt to changing conditionsi°
It is predicted that, due to its sensitive native fauna, East Africa is particularly
vulnerable to exotic and invasive species colonisation. Several ecosystems, partic-
ularly grass and shrub savannahs, in East Africa are shown to be highly sensitive
to short-term availability of water due to climate variability. Shrub and grassland
vegetation types have root systems that are shallow and dense; they draw their
moisture from water that is available from upper soil layers and growth in these
species depends highly upon the timing, intensity and duration of rainfall!'
Migratory species in East Africa are also vulnerable to changes in climate change.
Climate change has the potential to alter migratory routes of species which may also
increase conflicts with humans, particularly in areas with scarce rainfall. Land use
resulting from climate change will also affect migratory routes. For example, it has
been demonstrated that park boundary fences have disrupted migratory journeys of
wildebeest!' Also, a change in the intensity and duration of rainy versus dry seasons
has affected the breeding habits and rates of African elephants!'
Climate change is predicted to have considerable and severe impacts on the
coastal areas of East Africa. The IPCCH projects that a rise in sea level along the
coastal areas and the resulting coastal erosion could lead to destruction of coral
reefs which absorb the energy of ocean swells. The coastal mangroves are also at
threat from coastal erosion resulting from extreme weather changes. Additionally,
sea level rise is also affecting the availability of fresh water by causing salt water to
intrude aquifers and deltas. This is particularly most apparent in Tanzania.
CONCLUSION
The impact of climate change in East Africa is set to be bigger and more severe
than already predicted because of the multiplier effects of other already existing
stressors. The influence of other stressors is also likely to worsen the impact of
climate change in East Africa and will lead to even worse consequences because
of the lack of adequate resources and technical know-how in the region to adapt
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to climate change." The current food shortages experienced by Kenya, East
Africa's largest economy, is testament to the unprecedented impacts of climate
change on region. On the 16 January 2009, the government of Kenya launched its
largest-ever international appeal for food aid to save millions of starving Kenyans.
Over ten million people are projected to be in danger of starvation in Kenya. The
government needs 37 billion Kenyan shillings or USS468 million for emergency
food, support to schools and for agricultural and livestock interventions.
Kenya is suffering the vagaries of climate change. Weather patterns have
become erratic, moving from the extremes of drought to flooding."
The food crisis in Kenya as well as in the other East African countries is a reflec-
tion of how little or no attention has been given to climate policy as a mechanism
for responding to the challenges posed by climate change. It is clear that none of the
countries in the East African region have well-designed and developed adaptation
policies to help them adequately respond to the impacts of climate change. The East
African countries basically need two types of climate adaptation measures: those
aimed at increasing the agricultural resilience to climate variability and drought,
and those aimed at enhancing access to and viability of drought-coping strategies:"
The East African countries also need to develop the capacity to make local
level links to national level policies and action plans to adequately respond to the
impacts of climate change. Focusing on the linkages between local-level action
and national-level policies and action plans would ensure resource efficiency in
preparing required national level action plans and policies and implementing
them. As noted by the African Ministerial Conference on the Environment, the
creation of synergies in national implementation will help minimise conflict in
goals, programmes and activities, avoid duplication of efforts and economise
on scarce resources in the fight against climate change."
The need for climate policy and adaptation measures cannot be emphasised
enough and it is going to be incumbent upon all countries in the region to
address these two important policy challenges in order to effectively respond to
the impacts of climate change in the region.
NOTES
I
Speech of the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the opening of the GS
meeting in Heiligendamm. Germany. 6 June 2007, htip://www.un.orgfPubstchronick/2007/
issue2/0207p04.htm (accessed 10 March 2008).
MONOGRAPH 167
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2
Ibid.
3 Quoted from Sir Emry Jones Parry, Permanent representative of the United Kingdom to the
United Nations, httpd/www.un.org/Pubsichronicle/2007/issue2/0207p20.htm (accessed 10
March 2008).
4
See http://www.un.orgfPubsichronide/2007
5
Congolese representative at the UN Security Council, April 2007.
6
Sir Emry Jones Parry, Permanent representative of the United Kingdom to the United Nations,
http://www.un.orgfPubs/chronicle/2007/issue2/0207p20.htm (accessed 10 March 2008).
7
See Bali Action Plan: Advanced unedited version.
8
See http:/www.unep.chiregionalseastmainkaffeafenv.html (accessed 13 February 2008).
9
Society for International Development, Trends. tensions and contradictions: the leadership
challenge, in The State of East Africa Report 2006. Rome: 2006.17.
10 Ibid. 18
11 Ibid. 19.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid, 25.
14 WWF, Climate change impacts on East Africa: a review of the scientific literature, November
2006.
15 Ibid. 29.
16 IPCC, Climate change 2007.• synthesis report, contribution of Working Groups I, II and III
to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Core
writing team: R K Pachauri and A Reisinger (eds), Geneva: IPCC, 2007, I.
17 Ibid.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 See Causes of climate change, http://en.wikipedia.org/wikiklimate_change
22 Ibid.
23 Ibid.
24 See generally W F Ruddiman, Plows, plagues and petroleum: how humans took control of
climate, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 2005.
25 Food security in this paper is considered less in terms of sufficient global and national agricul-
tural food production and more in terms of livelihoods that are sufficient to provide enough
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EFTA01090117
food (or individuals and households. Accordingly, for the purposes of this paper, food secu-
rity is considered within the three principle components identified by Swaminathan (2000)
and Hugon and Nanterre (2003). These are: the availability of food through the market and
through own production. the adequate purchasingand or relational power to acquire or access
food and the acquisition of sufficient nutrients from the available food. which is influenced by
the ability to digest and absorb nutrients necessary for human health, access to safe drinking
water, environmental hygiene and the nutritional content of the food itself. See IPCC, Climate
change 2007.154.
26 WWF, Climate change impacts on East Africa, 1.
27 Adaptive capacity is a key component of studying the impact of climate change on food
security. In this regard. a number of studies have been undertaken to probe the enormous
challenges of developing adaptive capacity at multiple scales. From these studies. a complex
array of factors have been identified, including behavioral economics, national aspirations.
sociopolitical goals. governance, civil and political rights, literacy. economic wellbeing and
stability, demographic structure, global interconnectivity. institutional stability and natural
resource dependence. All these are emerging as powerful determinants of vulnerability and
the capacity to adapt to climate change. Such determinants permeate through food systems
to impact food security at household and community levels. Attainment of the Millennium
Development Goals, particularly the first goal of eradicating extreme poverty and hunger in
the face of climate change. will therefore require interventions that specifically consider food
security as an integral element of human vulnerability within the context of complex social.
economic, political and biosophical systems, that is, are able to offer usable findings to deci-
sion makers at all levels. See IPCC, Climate change 2007, 456.
28 See IPCC, Climate change 2007, 414. It notes, however. that even without climate change.
present population trends and patterns of water use indicate that more African countries
will exceed the limits of their economically usable land-based water resources before 2025.
In some assessments, the population at risk of increased water stress in Africa is projected at
75-250 million and 350-600 million people by the 2020s and 2050s respectively. Also. while
the number of people experiencing water stress is likely to increase by 2055 in northern and
southern Africa, in contrast. more people in eastern and western Africa will be likely to expe-
rience a reduction rather than an increase in water resources.
29 IPCC, Climate change 2007.141.
30 Ibid.
31 One of the possible impacts of climate change in the region is the rise in sea level, which is
projected to affect agricultural production on the East African coast. Kenya alone predicts
that a metre rise in the coastal sea level as a result of climate change will lead to a loss of over
500 million dollars in terms of revenue loss from mangoes. cashew nuts and coconuts alone.
Damage to the coastal zone of East Africa will not only affect cash crop production but will
also grossly affect tourism in the region. While there is a dearth of specific information of the
exact impact, the World Tourism Organisation predicts that changes in coastal zones resulting
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090118
from climate change could place tourism at risk. This is a wry serious potential impact since
Africa accounts for three per cent of global tourism trade.
32 See Victor Orindi and Laurel A Murray, Adapting to climate change in east Africa: a strategic
approach. Gatekeeper series. London: TIED, 2005,117.
33 WWF, Climate change impacts on East Africa, 4-6.
34 Ibid.
35 See Orindi and Murray, Adapting to climate change in east Africa, 117.
36 WWF, Climate change impacts on East Africa. 6.
37 See D Conway, from headwater tributaries to international river: observing and adapting to
climate variability and change in the Nile Basin, in Global Environmental Change, Amsterdam:
Elsevier. 2005,15,99-114. He observes that there is need for more detailed research on water
hydrology. drainage and climate change.
38 See G Zhou. A Minakawa, K Githeko and Y Yan. Association between climate variability and
malaria epidemics in the East African highlands, Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences of the United States of America. 2004,2375-2380.
39 See J D Patz, D Campbell-Lendrum, T Halloway and J A Foley. Impact of regional climate
change on human health, Nature 438 (2005). 310-317.
40 See J C Lovett, G F hludgely, P B Banard, Climate change and ecology in Africa, African
Journal of Ecology 43 (2005), 279-281.
41 See V Vanacker et al, Impact of short-term rainfall fluctuation on inter-annual land cover
change in sub-Saharan Africa, Science 298 (2005), 589-593.
42 See I J White. et al, Blue Wildebeest population trends in Kruger National Park and the effect
of fencing, South African Journal of Wildlife Research 18 (1988), 78-87.
43 See J H Poole, Announcing intent: the aggressive state of musth in African elephants. Animal
Behavior, 37 (1989), 140-152.
44 IPCC (2001). Op.cit.
45 There is a growing body of knowledge documenting adaption to climate change in Africa. This
includes diversification of livelihoods, institutional architecture including rules and norms
of governance, adjustment in farming operations. income-generation projects and the sale of
labour. and the mow to oil- or nonfarm livelihoods. See IPCC. Climate change 2007. 452.
46 Nairobi Chronicles, 16 January 2009, www.breakingnewskenya.com(accessed 24 August 2009).
47 Ibid.
48 Sin Erikson. Policy linkages between climate change and adaptation, www.arizona.edu.oals
(accessed 24 August 2009).
49 Ibid.
18
EFTA01090119
ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Conway, D. From head water to international river: observing and adapting to climate variability
and change in the Nile basin. In Global Environmental Change. Amsterdam: Elsevier. 2005.
Erikson, Sin. Policy linkages between climate change and adaptation. Available at www.ag.arizona.
edu.oals (accessed 24 August 2008).
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Climate change 2007: synthesis report. contribution
of Working Groups I, II and Ill to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change. Core writing team: R K Pachauri and A Reisinger (eds). Geneva:
IPCC, 2007,
Lovett, J C, Mudgely, G F, Banard. P B. Climate change and ecology in east Africa. African Journal
of Ecology 43 (2005), 279-281.
Orindi, Victor and Murray, Laurel A. Adapting to climate change in East Africa: a strategic ap-
proach. Gatekeeper series. London: TIED. 2005.
Patz, J D, Campbell-Lendrum, D, Halloway, T and Foley. I. Impact of regional climate change on
human health. Nature 438 (2005).
Poole, J H. Announcing intent: the aggressive state of musth in African elephants animal behavior.
Animal Behavior. 37 (1989),140-152.
Society for International Development. Trends, tensions and contradictions: the leadership chal-
lenge. In The State of East Africa Report 2006. Rome: 2006.
Vanacker, Vet al..Impact of short-term rainfall fluctuation on inter- annual land cover change in
sub-Saharan Africa. Science 298 (2005), 589-593.
White, J, et Al. Blue Wildebeest population trends in the Kruger National Park and the effect of
fencing. South African Journal of Wildlife Research 18 (1988).78-87.
WWF. Climate change impacts on east Africa: a review of the scientific literature. London: WWF,
2006.
Zhou, G, Minakawa. A, Githeko. K and Yan, Y. Association between climate variability and
malaria epidemics in the East African highlands. Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences of the United States of America. NASIUSA. 2004.2375-2380.
MONOGRAM 167
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EFTA01090121
Gender roles, land
degradation and
climate change
A Ugandan case study
GODARD BUSINGYE
ABSTRACT
This chapter discusses the relationship between gender roles, land degradation
and climate change in the context of Ugandan society. This relationship is one
of cause•effect nature. An understanding of this relationship would enable
the creation of mechanisms to address challenges posed by climate change.
The chapter provides a conceptual framework upon which such mechanisms
could be established. An analysis of this relational model shows that gender
roles, which are a function of social•cultural, economic and political under-
pinnings of society, are at the confluence between two other concepts, i.e.
land degradation and climate change. The chapter discusses in detail how
the social•cultural issue of gender roles influences land degradation, which
is considered a precursor to climate change. Land degradation is escalated by
unsustainable human activities including over-cultivation, overgrazing and
failure to agree on which activity is suitable for which environment by the
two genders in a household, namely women and men. Women in particular
are disempowered by society's social•cultural constructs and as such cannot
meaningfully contribute to decisions relating to the utilisation of family land.
NIONOGRAP11 167
21
EFTA01090122
Once climate change occurs, it is difficult to reverse and it impacts negatively
on society. For example, in cases of floods, people are displaced from their
homes and cannot continue with their day-to-day activities, and in cases of
drought, human activity is also reduced to a bare minimum. In all these and
similar instances, adaptation measures are required to enable communities
to cope with the effects of climate change. When the nexus between gender
roles, land degradation and climate change is complete, the element of gender
roles still remains obscure or is never made prominent. Moreover, a proper
understanding of the linkage between gender roles, land degradation and
climate change is useful in addressing social-cultural factors related to the
foregoing since these are all factors which may influence the challenges posed
by climate change in Uganda.
INTRODUCTION
Gender roles, land degradation and climate change stand in a cause-effect re-
lationship with one other. The objective of this chapter is to draw the linkage
between gender roles, land degradation and climate change. The central ques-
tion this chapter accordingly seeks to answer is: how can an understanding
of the linkage between gender roles, land degradation and climate change be
useful in addressing the social-cultural causes and their impact on climate
change in Uganda?
In order to clearly illustrate this relationship, this chapter has been divided
into five main sections which deal with: conceptual and contextual back-
ground information; land degradation in Uganda; linking climate change and
land degradation; and gender roles, land degradation and climate change. The
cause-effect relationship between these variables is discussed mainly from a
sociocultural perspective. The chapter concludes with brief recommendations
in this respect.
The following sections briefly investigate some of the principal theoretical
concepts lying at the core of this chapter. They also briefly refer to general geo-
graphical, socioeconomic and cultural aspects of Uganda.
22
EFTA01090123
Climate change
Conceptually, and for the purpose of this chapter, climate change refers to
climatic modification which is attributed directly or indirectly to human activ-
ity. Climate change affects the composition of global atmosphere in addition
to natural climate variability observed over comparable time periods' Climate
change causes alteration changes in the timing, regional patterns and intensity
of precipitation events, in particular, in the number of days when heavy precipi-
tation occurs.' When discussing the variability of climate change, it is impor-
tant, in the context of this chapter, to consider the social-cultural dimension of
society in Uganda that informs and conditions the decision-making capacity of
individuals (based on one's gender and gender roles in society) to avert activi-
ties likely to bring about land degradation.
Land degradation
Land degradation refers to the reduction or loss, in arid, semi-arid, and dry
sub-humid areas, of the biological or economic productivity and complexity
of rained cropland, or irrigated cropland? It might be a direct consequence of
human activities and habitation patterns, such as soil erosion caused by wind
and/or water; deterioration of the physical, chemical and biological or economic
properties of soil, and the long-term loss of natural vegetation' It is possible
that there are a number of social forces, such as gender relations and roles, at
play in the entire process of land degradation that, even though their impact
may not be evident from the outset, may still influence climate change to a great
extent. At the confluence of land degradation and climate change lie 'invisible'
gender roles that contribute to the escalation of land degradation and climate
change, or in other words, gender roles may influence activities that contribute
to land degradation which, in turn, may result in unfavourable effects which
culminate in climate change.
Gender
Gender is a matter of culture;' an activity of managing situated conduct in light
of normative conceptions of attitudes and activities appropriate for one's sexual
category.' Simply put, it is the social classification into masculine and feminine.'
MONOGRAPH 167
23
EFTA01090124
There seems to be a misconception between gender as a social-cultural or even
economic and political concept and sex, a biologically or genetically deter-
mined aspect of the human being. This misconception surrounding the concept
of gender does not arise in respect to sex. Sex is determined by making ref.
erence to the visible difference in genetalia between women and men and the
related difference in procreative function' Under this `sexualised' determina-
tion of gender, women are human beings of the female sex, that is, the sex that
gives birth?
It is probable that the least understood and unique behaviours attached to
particular sexes could be a basis for determining roles for different genders in
society," though this issue is not specifically investigated in this chapter. Gender
roles, which are informed by sociocultural, economic and political undertones,
fit squarely within the patriarchal ideology that is essentially the rule of the
fathers, where patriarchy is a social system in which the father is the head of
the family and men have authority over women and children." These roles may
vary from place to place and from country to country.
In the case of Uganda, the colonial legacy superimposed western patriarchal
ideology over the indigenous one. The indigenous African patriarchy accom-
modated some level of gender balance, but was later modified by the western
form of patriarchy which was a combination of capitalism and western culture
at the time of colonisation. Unlike the traditional African patriarchy which ac-
commodated the different views of all genders, the current patriarchy model
in Uganda is less accommodative in this respect. At the advent of colonialism,
women were relegated to a redefined, subordinated domesticity. The status
of men, in contrast, was elevated and reified!' This situation, however, is not
unique to Uganda. In respect to land inheritance, for instance, patriarchal re-
lations in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, resulted in restrictions bearing more
harshly on women, thereby allowing only men to inherit." In respect to gender
relations, therefore, the gender power is weighted against women, and women
bear the brunt of men's negative response to change."
Geographical information about Uganda
Most parts of Uganda enjoy a moderately hot and wet climate. The annual
rainfall ranges from approximately 500 mm in the drier parts of the country
to well over 2 000 mm in the wetter areas of the country. Annual temperatures
24
EFTA01090125
range from 16 degrees Celsius to around 27 degrees Celsius. In drier months of
the year, however, temperatures can reach 36 degrees Celsius. The country is
endowed with many fresh water bodies covering an area of about 39 460 km' of
the country's total area of 235 800 km2. Natural vegetation cover constitutes ap-
proximately 20,3 per cent of the country's total land area.1B Currently, however,
the country is experiencing serious effects of land degradation." In some
cases, these have resulted into unprecedented heavy rains that cause floods
in most pans of the country, while severe droughts have been experienced in
other areas.
Climate change effects in Uganda
Even though the deleterious effects of climate change are many, this chapter con-
centrates on floods and droughts since the latter can be directly related to land
degradation. Floods are caused mainly by sudden increases in precipitation or
soil saturation following precipitation of several hours-duration. In 2007, much
of the eastern region in Uganda, induding the districts of Amuria, Bukedea,
Kaberamaido, Katakwi, Kumi and Soroti in the Teso sub-region; Amuru, Gulu,
Kitgum and Pader in the Acholi sub-region; Amolatar, Apac, Dokolo, Lira and
Oyam in the Lango sub-region; Abim, Kaabong, Kotido, Moroto and Nakapiripirit
in the Karamoja region; Bududa, Bukwo, Kapchorwa, Mbale, Manafwa and
Sironko in the Bugisu (Elgon) sub-region; and Adjumani, Arua, Moyo, Nebbi and
Yumbe in the West Nile sub-region; as well as Kiboga and Kamuli districts in
central Ugand, were affected by flooding, water-logging and mudslides." The oc-
currence of floods in these areas affected the ability of traditional communities to
cope with the ever-changing climatic patterns. Also, day-to-day human activities
could not be carried out without a great degree of inconvenience.
In response to these disasters, Yoweri Museveni, the President of the Republic
of Uganda, declared the country's first-ever state of emergency in flood-affected
areas of eastern Uganda on 19 September 2007. The state of emergency was
endorsed by parliament on 25 September 2007." The consequences of climate
change in this case were diverse, ranging from closure of roads, displacement of
people from their homes, closure of educational institutions, an increase in the
rate of contracting HIV/AIDS, increase in waterborne diseases incidences, and a
general food shortage in the region because of the general disruption of human
activity. Interestingly, there has also been an escalation in the number of cases
MONOGRAPH 167
25
EFTA01090126
of domestic violence including gender based violence mainly perpetrated by
men against women, defilement, incest and rape of women in the region during
the same period."
The occurrence of the floods made women in the flood-affected areas gen-
erally insecure and vulnerable. Sadly, incidences of such insecurity-related
cases were not routinely reported or documented; therefore, one had to rely
on stories told by either the victims or their political representatives.30 The
situation in the flood-affected region in Uganda was exacerbated by the mas-
culinisation of the concept of the head of the household, under the premise
that all families contained an adult male who was economically responsible
for maintaining the women and children. This was the case especially during
the 2007 floods, where people were in dire need of assistance from govern-
ment and aid agencies." Sadly, where households were headed by only females,
these households did not obtain relief donations because there were no men
to represent their households.
Drought is another consequence of climate change; it affects human activ-
ity in general. It is characterised by scarcity of water for both domestic and
agricultural purposes, and pastures for animals. It is increasing in frequency
and severity, particularly in the semi-arid areas in Uganda where nomadism
is practised. The cattle-corridor in Uganda stretches from the northeast of the
country, across to the southwest and includes most areas of Karamoja, Teso,
Nakasongola, Mubende, Rakai and the Ankole region." Cattle-keeping tribes,
most of whom practise pastoralism or nomadism (a practice that accelerates
land degradation), mostly occupy these rangelands. These areas occasionally
experience severe drought conditions. These conditions are largely attributable
to human activity in these areas, although blame is normally attached to the
natural conditions. In some extreme cases, such as in the Karamoja region in
the northeast of the country, land degradation has culminated in desert-like
conditions." The frequent droughts in the region have lowered the water table,
decreased rainfall, and increased temperatures."
Access, control and ownership of land in
the context of gender inequality
One of the bare minimum aspects of God-given and constitutionally ordained
human rights belonging to everyone is the right to enjoy a clean and healthy
26
EFTA01090127
environment.' Enjoyment of this right, however, is affected by some of the
human activities, which though initially intended to improve human wellbe-
ing result in environmental degradation. Some human activities modify the
environment, but it is important to note that some ecosystems may, more than
others, be prone to degradation. For instance, coral bleaching can occur in a
single exceptionally warm season, while long•living organisms such as trees
may be able to persist for decades under a changed climate, but may be unable
to regenerate." Gender roles and the household division of labour," even when
known as being indirect contributors to climate change, are not given the
prominence and attention they deserve by the community. These factors are
given a low level of attention yet their impact on land and its subsequent degra-
dation and eventually the effects on climate change may be enormous. This is
so even if they directly and indirectly contribute to issues of access to land, land
use and land•use patterns and ultimately land degradation which is a precursor
to climatic change.
Access to, control and ownership of land; determine land•use patterns and
specific activities performed on it. Some of the activities such as overgrazing
and over•cultivation contribute to the escalation of soil erosion, which is an
initial stage in serious land degradation. Degraded lands are devoid of vegeta-
tion cover, which should act as a buffer zone for climatic modification proc-
esses. Gender roles, which attach to one's right of access to land, determine
what activity a woman or man will do in respect to the land she or he harnesses.
All these variables eventually contribute to land degradation, each in its unique
manner. It is also important to note in this context that land degradation pre.
cedes climate change. Climate change may degenerate into arid or desert•like
conditions, or precipitation for a long time, which may result in rivers or lakes
flooding their banks. Arid or desert•like conditions affect human activity much
as floods do, and as a consequence, the rate at which human activity occurs
drastically changes. Ultimately, when considering the foregoing, adaptation
to climatic change calls for the inclusion of more equitable gender relations in
land•related policies and legislation, although the ultimate process of effecting
the changes may be gradual and slow."
Ownership and the general process of access to land define social status and
gender power relations in the household, village, and other social structures
outside the household and local communities. Effective control of one's rights
with regard to land, which society firmly grants to men and denies women,
MONOGRAPH 167
27
EFTA01090128
therefore determines one's ability to control the activities carried out in respect
to the land resource. This, in turn, determines whether or not a particular
parcel of land will be utilised in a sustainable manner or not. For most women
in Uganda, effective rights in land remain elusive, even as their marital and kin
support erodes and female•headed households multiply. In the case of Ibanda
Town Council, for instance, women have struggled for and won fairly extensive
rights of access to and control of land." They can apply to register land in their
sole capacities or jointly with their spouses or any other persons in accordance
with the country's land laws. Their full enjoyment of these rights is, however,
watered down by custom which demands that some male person should support
a woman in very serious development ventures such as those concerning land."
Preliminary findings of field research conducted in Ibanda Town Council
suggest that women who register land in their sole names still co-opt their male
relatives or friends to assist them in land development endeavours." In some
of the cases identified during the Ibanda Town Council study, a few women
who had begotten children before marriage had purchased land and registered
it in their sole names with a view of later transferring it to those earlier begot-
ten children. Traditionally children begotten by women before getting married
could not be given land by the families where their mothers were subsequently
married:12 The same study identified that on the other hand, men who had pro-
duced children out of marriage either before or after their subsisting marriages
were in position to give them part of the family land and, in most cases without
seeking consent from their wives. A conclusion drawn from the findings of that
study is that access to land and its ownership among the people of Ibanda Town
Council has gender connotations that favour the male gender.
In respect to gender roles and land degradation, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere,
the late President of the United Republic of Tanzania, once stated that women
in Africa toil all their lives on land, they do not own or control what they
produce and at the end of a marriage, through divorce or death, they can be
sent away empty-handed." Much as this trend may be gradually changing,
largely because of globalisation," one may still find evidence to show that
women are not firmly attached to their natal or spousal homes. Using as an
example the Batagwenda, an ethnic community in the Ibanda District, once
a marriage ceremony known as okuhingira (a ceremony akin to the giving-
away ceremonies of other cultures) has been performed, a daughter ceases to
belong to her natal home; she becomes inherently part of her spousal home.
28
EFTA01090129
The cultural songs that are sung during the performance of that ceremony
indicate that she then belongs to her husband's home and would not be ex-
pected at her natal home at any time, except as a visitor. Echoing Mwalimu
Nyerere's statement, however, this person then never becomes an integral part
of her husband's home. She may, for instance, be divorced or mistreated in a
manner that points to the fact that she is a stranger in that home. Her return to
the natal home is never anticipated at marriage this is hence not an acceptable
notion to her relatives. Women, in this context, are not considered the equal of
men; merely the 'subjects' of men."
The whole process of gender inequity is rooted in the desire by patriarchal
society to retain dominance over women. The implications of this relationship
in respect to the land resource is that women in the described circumstances
may not develop land in a sustainable manner; they may be motivated by their
social location in society and work only to earn a simple livelihood or to satisfy
household and societal demands as they arise. This attitude towards land may
lead individuals to carry out activities that also, and importantly for the present
discussion, lead to land degradation.
Indeed, a United Nations (UN) report states that statistics worldwide attest
to the fact that women form just over half of the world's population, perform
two-thirds or 60 per cent of the world's working hours and contribute 50 per
cent of the agricultural production." Women in Africa alone are responsible for
85 per cent of agricultural production and processing. They earn one•tenth of
the world's income and own one•hundredth of the world's property."
In the 21" century, a general realisation, that women and men ought to enjoy
equal rights in land and also participate equally in decisions concerning its uti-
lisation, has emerged. This realisation, however, is not uniformly appreciated.
Men and elderly women consider this to be a young women's 'liberation' move-
ment to overturn the social power relations that have sustained the former in
power for quite a long time. They especially appear scared of the move to share
rights in land equally with young and emancipated women. Some members
of society have ignored this movement, contending that it will disappear over
time." Some of them feel that it is a dangerous distraction from the central
issues of class politics. Some of them may simply be excited by it but, as it turns
out, women and men, in one way or another, are threatened and confused
by it. As soon as it is touched, the everyday reality of our relationships is also
touched." One gender scholar, Agarwal, recalls some of her experiences with
MONOGRAM 167
29
EFTA01090130
the Indian Minister of Agriculture at an Indian Planning Commission Seminar
on Land Reform. After her talk, the minister retorted thus: '[A]re you suggest-
ing that women be given rights in land?' She deduced from the Minister's reac-
tion certain prevailing assumptions about the family (in India, and certainly
elsewhere in the world) which implies that: Mlle stability of the family as an
institution is linked to the maintenance of unequal resource positions between
women and men; and economic self-interest plays a significant role in intra-
family gender relations that would be revealed with particular starkness in
gender conflict over a critical form of property such as land.NO
Agarwal proceeds to underscore the role of intra-family bargaining power
in a bid to reconcile gender differences in a family. She points out that there
are a number of factors which determine bargaining power at the family level,
namely, individual economic assets and communal, as well as social and legal,
recognition of the legitimacy of the claim!' She observes that the complexity
of bargaining would be considerably less if the social legitimacy of a person's
claim to some share of the contested item is recognised and only the size of that
share is in dispute, than if the legitimacy of claiming any share at all in the item
is unaccepted. According to her, the intra-household gender division of subsist-
ence resources and of ancestral land are at the centre of the bargain. The rights
of the female family members to basic subsistence are usually not in dispute,
although the proportionate shares for them in arable ancestral land might be
disputed in many communities.•'
General
It would appear that society, which is predominantly patriarchal in nature, is
not ready to accept modern views on gender, gender relations and roles which
inspire them to assign to the various genders certain social-cultural obligations.
Social-cultural obligations contribute to land degradation in a peculiar manner.
It seems that land-use patterns such as crop farming, animal farming or agro-
forestry, impact greatly on either land degradation or its conservation in the
long run. For instance, agro-forestry, which in the case of Uganda is largely
under the domain of men, enhances the country's capacity to act as a carbon
sink and facilitates the maintenance of the water cycle (which also contributes
30
EFTA01090131
to the aesthetic value of the environment). Whether the outcome of human ac-
tivity is land degradation or conservation, the resultant effect shall be climate
modification," either for the worse or for the better.
Climate change, in turn, affects other environmental issues: it may lead to
loss of biodiversity, desertification, stratospheric ozone depletion; "freshwater
availability and air quality improvement or pollution, which ultimately affects
human beings' enjoyment of the right to a clean and healthy environment. For
example, it is now known that the relationship between changes in atmospheric
ozone and their environmental effects includes the oxidising power of the lower
atmosphere, the self cleansing power, which is a complex phenomenal relation-
ship. This cleansing occurs most rapidly in the tropics and at mid-latitudes in
summer." Biological resilience and technical adaptations may buffer some of
the impacts of climatic change on land productivity in the short term. Sustained
and increased climatic change, however, would eventually cause a decline in
land productivity and hence, human activity. This is so because ecosystems
entail complex, dynamic and interactive processes, and climate change could
cause critical thresholds to be passed:"
Causes of land degradation
There are many causes of land degradation. The list includes both human and
natural activity as a consequence of wear and tear. Some of these are know,
together with their relationship with the frequency and magnitude of climatic
fluctuations, including daily, seasonal, inter-annual and decadal variability such
as El Nino and the sources of greenhouse gases." According to McMichael, the
predicted impacts of climate change are particularly dependent upon estimates
of changes in climate variability and occurrence of extreme weather, such as
temperature and precipitation extremes, and severe tropical storms." However,
these factors are not given the attention they deserve. Climate change is inevi-
table, although in most cases it is not easy to observe and identify that it is oc-
curring and progressively escalating with time. The possibilities for observing
the symptoms leading to land degradation are obscured by the ever-increasing
demand for natural resources in a bid to improve people's livelihood. At the
same time, in the majority of cases, there are no specific or appropriate meas.
ures in place to mitigate the impact of human activities on the land resource. It
is also possible that those whose activities contribute to land degradation may
MONOGRAPH 167
31
EFTA01090132
not even be aware that once land degradation reaches unmanageable levels; it is
not so easy to reverse to near its original state.
Aspects of land degradation may be localised to particular areas. The result-
ant climatic changes, however, may be widely spread to cover vast areas on the
globe. This aspect was explored by Agora" while discussing the 'chaos theory,
which was championed by Edward Lorenz, a meteorologist at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology in the 1950s. According to Agora, Lorenz discovered
that a very slight shift in the initial data about weather conditions fed into
analysis models would result in drastic differences in simulated weather condi-
tions after a number of iterations.SO Agora's demonstration could be viewed as
a basis for a scientific explanation as to why desert•like conditions spread from
the centre of deserts such as the Sahara desert in the north and the Kalahari
in the south of the African continent. The impact of climatic change also
falls disproportionately upon developing countries and poor, disenfranchised
people within all countries; it also falls disproportionately upon women and
men, depending on their locality and roles. This exacerbates inequities between
developed and developing economies, and between genders in respect to health
status, and access to adequate food, clean water and other resources?'
Gender roles and land degradation
Land degradation, which the present author considers a precursor to climate
change, begins with low levels of natural resource exploitation at individual or
household level, which, in turn, has a bearing on gender roles and division of
labour. Assigned gender roles and household division of labour disempower
women from actively contributing to decisions concerning the management
of the land resource, yet they are richly endowed with traditional knowledge
which, if relied on, could help check the effects of land degradation and climate
change. Household decisions on land use set the pace at which a particular
parcel of land will be utilised before it is left to regain its natural nutrients. The
decisions made with regard to land use contribute to land degradation or its
conservation because they determine whether the activity to be carried out
will be deleterious to the land or not. The social constructs of gender roles and
division of labour demand that women extract as much as possible from the
land resource in a bid to satisfy the high food and other basic requirements
of their households. The whole system of decision making, however, excludes
32
EFTA01090133
ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
women from participating in these activities; they are largely incorporated at
the implementation level, which renders the entire issue of decision making a
hoax because even the implementation process is planned for at the initial stage
when decisions are adopted."
Society perceives men as decision•makers for their households, but as
passive participants in the process of extracting natural resources." This
view is illustrated by understanding the example of the social construct of the
Karimojongs in the north eastern part of Uganda. Among the Karimojong
community, women are never regarded as equal to men. This inequality begins
at an early stage when the youth are initiated into adulthood." For example, the
term asapan (a complex of rituals marking the initiation of young men into the
authority cycle of the Karimojong tribe), is applicable only to males and not to
females." Another aspect of female exclusion among the Karimojongs is that
while men are initiated into adulthood by fellow men, female initiation ceremo-
nies are never presided over by women; in the latter instance the ceremony is
also presided over by elderly men. After the females have been initiated into
adulthood, they are assigned the duty of bearing children which is articulated
by the following saying: 'May you bear children! May you multiply and become
old
On the other hand, after the initiation ceremony, males are assigned
the role of looking after cattle and defending their communities. In general,
Karimojong women become responsible for bearing and raising children, gath-
ering building materials from the natural environment, building and keeping
homesteads neat, and cultivation. For their part, men engage in herding animals
(largely cattle), which they move from place to place in search of pastures and
water. They also guard their communities from external aggression?
A simplified version of land degradation
A simplified version of land degradation may only target aspects that relate
to the extraction of natural resources, such as building material, or clearing
land for cultivation, which, in the case of the Karimojongs, are basically roles
performed by women. Men's roles among the Karimojongs and other nomadic
communities in Uganda, such as looking after large herds of animals, may be
more deleterious to the environment than clearing of vegetation. This is so
because in the case of other activities, no one goes back to extract the resources,
such as building materials, unless the vegetation has rejuvenated and grown,
MONOGRAPH 167
33
EFTA01090134
while in the case of grazing animals, the activity is continuous and may degrade
the land to unmanageable levels at a more sustained pace.
In the latter case, pastures are never afforded sufficient time to rejuvenate to
levels that can protect the top soil layer from erosion. Moreover, the constant
trampling of the top soil layer by animals accelerates the disintegration of soil
particles, which renders these particles loosely attached to each other and thus
prone to erosion. An analysis of men's role in the whole process of land degra-
dation reveals that it is twofold. First, they encourage or even compel women to
degrade the land resource by virtue of the roles assigned to them at household
levels, and second, men are active participants in the degradation process by
virtue of their activities, including, for example, overgrazing. The over-sim-
plification of the whole process of land degradation therefore, compounds the
problem because it is never attended to in time and in an appropriate fashion.
Gender roles, social patterns and land degradation
Gender roles and the household division of labour in Uganda reflect a sys-
tematic social pattern. Among the Batagwenda in the districts of Kamwenge
and Ibanda in the south west of Uganda, women, for instance, carry out much
of the cultivation tasks in preparation for seasonal and perennial crops. Men
clear shrubs and fell trees to make it easier for women to carry out cultivation
activities. Where there is no male in the home, however, women proceed and
clear the vegetation without meeting any specific hardships. This example ex-
plains why assignment of gender roles has no direct bearing on one's sex, and
makes it clear that it is the social-cultural perception of what a particular sex
should do as a matter of convenience. What is important in all these examples
is that if the activities carried out by each gender are not sustainable, then the
gender constructs and the assignment of roles to women or men is rendered
meaningless. For example, in the case of cattle keepers, men keep large stocks
of animals that exceed the capacity of the natural vegetation to feed them
throughout the year. In the case of cultivators, the same parcels of land are
cultivated season after season and year after year without giving them time
to recover the lost vegetation cover and soil nutrients. In all these instances,
it is immaterial whether the person carrying out the activity is a woman or
man; the question to be asked is rather: what is the impact of such a person's
activity on the land resource?
34
EFTA01090135
ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZt
According to preliminary findings of research currently being conducted in
Ibanda Town Council in Uganda, men are generally the driving force behind all
aspects of land degradation in that locality; they demand much from the women
in terms of household sustenance." Women, in turn, do all they can to extract as
much as possible from the land resource. This situation is exacerbated by the fact
that women in that locality are not afforded an opportunity to contribute to deci-
sions concerning the land they harness. In the long run their activities, namely
cultivation of land for agriculture, lead to land degradation, which, when sus-
tained, depletes the natural vegetation cover. This, in turn affects the water cycle
which interrupts the process of evapotransipiration. Consequently, there is likely
to be a change in rain patterns which translates into climate change effects."
In summary, the relationship between gender roles, land degradation and
climate change can clearly be understood if one examines their sociocultural,
economic and political foundations. It is also important to understand the
conceptual underpinnings of these aspects. This understanding enables us to
underscore the importance of gender roles in the whole process of land degra-
dation and, consequently, climate change. As mentioned earlier, gender power is
heavily weighted against women. Overall, the resultant human activity culmi-
nates into either land conservation or its degradation. When the nexus between
gender roles, land degradation and climate change is complete, the element of
gender roles still remains either obscure or unimportant.
General
The social intent to exclude women in the decision-making process regarding
access, ownership and utilisation of land, manifests itself in the activities they
conduct on land. Gender roles, coupled with low levels of formal education for
women in a number of developing countries, take them closer to land-based
activities without informing them of the repercussions of over-utilisation or
extraction of the land resources. The consequence of this is that socially-deter-
mined, gender-based land degradation occurs.
Land degradation in this respect becomes a consequence of unsustain-
able human activity in respect to the land resource as conditioned by gender-
social-cultural values. The effect of sustained over-utilisation of land (soil and
MONOGRAPH la
35
EFTA01090136
vegetation) is to modify climatic conditions in a more-or-less irreversible fashion
or to a state that is too expensive to reverse. A complete relational model of
gender roles, land degradation and climate change60 then becomes functionally
an outcome of the socially and culturally constructed gender roles that ignore the
ability of women to equitably contribute to the decision-making process at the
household level and also as regards their inputs into land tenurial policies at the
national level. Land degradation, which started as a simplified household aspect
and was translated into a national issue, ends up as a regional and eventually a
global phenomenon. This gender-based land degradation is difficult to reverse by
policymakers at the national level because society is unable to unpack those poli-
cies in order to understand the root mishaps that inform them, and the patriar-
chal social values which would enable them to deal with these appropriately.
Addressing climate change-related issues
It is important to note that, traditionally, developing countries paid little at-
tention to the problem of environmental degradation, contending that it was a
characteristic of developed countries, which, due to high levels of industrialisa-
tion, science and technology, had initiated problems of pollution and over ex-
ploitation of the natural resources in general.61 Today, however, most countries,
including those striving to overcome depressing economic situations, have
realised that environmental problems honour no geographical boundaries and
are actively taking steps to avert the problem of land degradation. Traditional
communities, such as the pastoral Karimojongs who occupy the cattle corridor
in northeastern Uganda, and who have been passive participants in controlling
land degradation, have now been integrated into the overall government devel-
opment process to avert the problem of land degradation.'
There has also emerged a global paradigm shift in the whole process of
managing the land resource. This shift has compelled governments in many
countries to change their traditional policy initiatives and tenurial systems and
instead implement measures that promote the role of traditional communities
and women, in particular with regards to the management of the land resource.
Under the new paradigm, bottom-up approaches to policy matters are gradu-
ally replacing the top-down approaches that previously formed the basis of
most governments' development programmes." In the case of Uganda, for in-
stance, land management issues are now well articulated in the decentralisation
36
EFTA01090137
ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
programme that begins with the grassroots communities and moves to the
centre to merge with the central government structures."
The Local Governments Act, Cap. 243, for example, decentralises and de-
volves functions, powers and services to local governments. It requires local
governments to ensure good governance and democratic participation in the
control of decision making of the people." Management of land in Uganda
is structured in accordance with the structures established under the Local
Governments Act." Decentralisation of land management in Uganda brings
on board a significant cross-section of the citizenry into the decision-making
processes concerning land in their localities, since this is done up to the village
council level °J Much as this may not be the sole mitigation measure to problems
associated with land degradation in Uganda, the system instils within the local
communities a sense of social or community accountability when their activi-
ties come tangentially incompatible with those of the larger community. At the
same time, government programmes are tailored towards catering for the whole
country, because it is now realised that land degradation is not restricted to the
small demarcated zones such as the cattle corridor, but also extends to several
other parts of the country."
During the 20th century, the land surface temperatures globally increased by
about 0,6 degrees Celsius. Changes in climate are the result of internal vari-
ability within climate systems and external factors, both natural and anthropo-
genic. Emissions and the degradation of the land resource are now significantly
modifying the concentrations of some gases in the atmosphere. The principal
anthropogenic gas responsible for land degradation is carbon dioxide, the con-
centration of which has increased by 31 per cent since 1750. This has been the
highest recorded level for the last 20 million years." Other anthropogenic gases
include methane, nitrous oxide and oxides of nitrogen.J° The burning of fossil
fuels and land-use change, especially deforestation, predominately increase
land degradation and climatic change patterns.
Today, there is unprecedented conversion of the natural habitat to human
uses." The rate of harvesting from the land resource is high; this is coupled
with unsustainable human practices, including over-cultivation, overgrazing,
MONOGRAPH 167
37
EFTA01090138
deforestation and poor irrigation practices. These exacerbate land degradation.
Coupled with pollution of the air and water, these activities greatly reduce the
robustness of systems to cope with variations induced by climatic change. The
resilience of systems to recover from such degradation also decreases. These
pressures are present in developed and developing countries, but the dilemma is
felt particularly in developing countries. Over-exploitation of the land resource
cannot be divorced from the social and economic issues including food security,
migration, and political issues which are closely linked to land degradation."
The world's climate system is an integral part of complex life-supporting
processes, one of the many large natural systems that are now coming under
pressure from the increasing weight of human numbers and increased econom-
ic activities. Globally, climate change is characterised by major events, includ-
ing drought, floods, heatwaves, avalanches and windstorms." The differential
gender decision-making process in respect to issues of land resource manage-
ment is essentially a sequential aspect characterised by general uncertainty. On
the one hand, women are not sure of the next step men and society in general
will take in respect to their status in the home. On the other hand, men in de-
veloping countries feel insecure because they are gradually losing their social
power to women because of global social influence.
The social-gender dynamics at household and nationwide levels are struc-
tured on patriarchal values translate into national policies that never provide
adequate space for all the role players in day-to-day management of the land
resource. The male-gendered society determines who makes a contribution in
the decisions that will ultimately affect the whole society and also whose input
shall be taken into account when taking decisions at the household level and
making policies at the national level. Ultimately, policies made by governments
in respect to land tenurial systems, access to land and use of land, fail to stop
land degradation and consequently climatic change because they are never bal-
anced mostly because they lack female input into decision-making.
Whether one views women's access to land from a historical perspective or
simply from present-day configurations, one point emerges most clearly, namely
that, both in the past and at present, women have had limited access to land.
Overall, men control decisions relating to land and also the processes by which
women access land." Decision-making processes concerning land determine a
number of aspects relating to land use and, ultimately, the level of degradation
to which a particular parcel of land is subjected.
38
EFTA01090139
CONCLUSION
While discussing the subject of gender roles, land degradation and climate change
and the cause-effect relationship each has with the other variables, a number
of issues were raised in this chapter. Among these is that of unbalanced gender
power relations. Gender power relations inform society of which activity should
be performed and by whom. This, as was highlighted above, is weighted against
women because they bear the brunt of men's negative response to change. The im-
balance is largely felt at the point of determination of gender roles, which impact
on activities on land that later translate into climate change through the agency of
land degradation. Therefore, the cause effect relationship between gender roles,
land degradation and climate change is pre-empted by the social-cultural aspect
at play at the time of assigning roles to society members. In order to better un-
derstand this causal-effect relationship, one must first understand the conceptual
underpinnings that inform these variables. In this respect, this research makes
it clear that women have limited access to land and that, on the other hand, men
control decisions relating to land and also to the processes by which women access
land. Overall, the resultant human activity from the assignment of gender roles,
therefore, culminates into either land conservation or its degradation, depending
on the direction given or anticipated at the time of assigning those roles.
In conclusion, it is important to note that, when the nexus between gender
roles, land degradation and climate change is complete, the element of gender
roles still remains either obscure or is never afforded appropriate prominence.
This may be why it may not be easy to reverse climate change once it has oc-
curred because no serious attention is paid to its main causative agent. An un-
derstanding of the linkage between gender roles, land degradation and climate
change is therefore useful in addressing the social-cultural causes and probably
their impact on climate change in Uganda.
NOTES
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. 1994. article I.
2
A I McMichael, A Haines, R Stool, a al (eds), Climate change and human health: an as-
sessment, prepared by a task group on behalf of the World Health Organisation, the World
Meteorological Organisation and the United Nations Environment Programme, Geneva:
19%, 129.
MONOGRAPH 167
39
EFTA01090140
3
The United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in those Countries Experiencing
Drought and/or Desertification. Particularly Africa, adopted at the United Nations Conference
on Desertification in 1997.
1
P Bigombe Logo and Elise-Henriette Bikie. Women and land in Cameroon: questioning
women's land status and claims for change. in L Muthoni Wanyeki (ed). Women and land in
Africa: culture, religion and realising women's rights, London: Zed Books, 2003, 31.
5 L Sarkar and B Sivaramaya, Women and law: contemporary problems, Indian Association for
Women's Studies, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House PVT Ltd, 1994. 29.
6
5 Tamale, When hens begin to crow: gender and parliamentary politics in Uganda. Kampala:
Fountain Publishers, 1999.28.
7
Ibid.
8
Ibid.
9
Logo and Bikie. Women and land in Cameroon, 31.
10 Tamale, When hens begin to crow, 32.
II hop://www.freedictionary.com/patriachy, (accessed 5 May 2009).
12 Sarkar and Sivaramaya, Women and law, 29.
13 5 Meer (ed), Women, land and authority: perspectives from South Africa, OXFAM (UK and
Ireland). Cape Town: David Philip in association with National Land Committee. 1997.9.
14 Ibid.
15 The National Action Plan for Uganda (NEAP), 1995.
16 The Republic of Uganda: State of Environment Report, 2006/2007.
17 United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Partnership for Humanity,
Situation Report No. 7.
18 Ibid..
19 Interview with Mary Amajo (former Woman Member of Parliament for Kaberamaido, one of
the districts constituting the greater Soroti region in northeastern Uganda, and Chairperson
for Uganda Women Parliamentarians in the Seventh Parliament of the Republic of Uganda,
Office of the Chairperson for UWOPA, Parliamentary Building. Kampala. 2007.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid.
22 G Busingye, A critical examination of the legal regime on control of desertification and man-
agement of drought in Uganda. LL.M thesis, Makerere University. Kampala. 2000.4.
23 Meer, Women, land and authority. 9.
40
EFTA01090141
24 United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Uganda: Water Scheme
Proposed for Parched Karamoja.
25 The Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995. Art. 39.
26 WMO and UNEP, Climate change 2001: synthesis report stand-alone edition, 17.
27 Within the African setting, most women are assigned household chores and other activities
that keep them in or near the home. Men, on the other hand. areassigned tasks such as hunting
and grazing of animals, all of which take them off the homestead for most of the time.
28 J Asiimwe and E Nyakoojo. Included yet excluded: a study of women's land rights in she dis-
tricts of Pallisa and Kapchorwa. Kampala: Uganda Land Alliance and Action Aid. 2000. See
also Uganda Land Alliance, The Kibaale land question. Uganda Land Alliance Research Series
Na 1, 2003.
29 Interview with P Kirindi at Ibanda Town Council on 26 July 2008.
30 Interview with Dr Eric Gamurorwa Buhazi. the Chairperson of lbanda District Land Board
on 18 July 2008 at the Ibanda District Headquarters.
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid.
33 Asiimwe and Nyalcoojo. Included yet excluded, a preface page, unnumbered.
34 According to S Tamale, in her book When hens begin to crow. 30, iglobalisation' is a strait-
jacket of the universal and globalising economic order. I understand that the term is fluid and
may not have a universal definition. However, for purposes of this paper. it is restricted to that
universalised global economic order, the impact on gender roles, which may be a subject of
further research.
35 Ibid.
36 Asiimwe and Nyalcoojo. Included yet excluded, I.
37 Ibid.
38 W Ncube et al. Paradigms of exclusion: women's access to resources in Zimbabwe, Harare:
WLSA Research Project, 1997,64.
39 V I Seidler, Recreating sexual politics: men, feminism and politics, London and New York:
Routledge. 1991; cited in Imelda Whelehan, Modern feminist thought: from the second Wave to
post feminism; Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999. 64.
40 B Agarwal, A field of one's own: gender and property in South Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. 1994.60.
41 Interview with Eriseeba Kyamulesire at Ibanda Town Council on 26 July 2008.
42 Ibid.
MONOGRAPH 167
41
EFTA01090142
13 I consider that, when the land is modified by human activities. the resultant modifications
contribute to climate change.
44 A J McMichael et al, Climate change and human health. II.
45 I E Galbally and C R Roy. In the tropical troposphere: a review in Mohammad Llyas (ed).
Ozone depletion: implications for the tropics. University of Science Malaysia, Penang,
Malaysia and United Nations Programme, Nairobi. 1991.139.
46 A J McMichael et al. Climate change and human health. an assessment. prepared by a task
group on behalf of the World Health Organisation, the World Meteorological Organisation
and the United Nations Environment Programme. Geneva: 1996.17-42.
47 S Hales et al in A J McMichael et al, Climate change and human health: risks and responses 79.
48 A J McMichael et al, Climate change and human health: an assessment. prepared by a task
group on behalf of the World Health Organisation, the World Meteorological Organisation
and the United Nations Environment Programme. Geneva: 1996.33.
49 G Busingye, A critical examination of the legal regime on control of desertification and man-
agement of drought in Uganda, 7.
50 Agora. What obligation does our generation owe to the next? An approach to global environ-
mental responsibility: do we owe a duty to future generations to preserve the global environ-
ment? 192.
51 Ibid. 77
52 This position is strongly supported by women I interviewed in Ibanda Town Council during
my field research for my doctoral degree studies. In one focus group discussion. women in-
formed me that. in some cases, they may not even plant the type of crop they are expected to
plant when the planting season begins because their husbands have to forecast which crop will
be marketable at harvest; that is the crop that will be planted during that season.
53 Ibid.
54 According to the Karimojong culture, both girls and boys must go through an initiation cer-
emony to be considered adult.
55 A Paz/agile. The Karimojong: some aspects, Bologna: Camboni Missionaries, 1982. 123.
56 Ibid. 126-127.
57 The Republic of Uganda, Karamoja Integrated Disarmament and Development Programme
(KIDDP), Creating Conditions for Promoting Human security and Development in Karamoja
2007-10.
58 Interview with Michael Kibeirere at Ibanda Town Council during field research in July 2008.
59 I am currently undertaking research for my doctorate degree on law and Gender Relations in
Land Decision-making Processes in Uganda using Ibanda Town Council as a case study.
42
EFTA01090143
ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
60 The gender-roles-land-degradation-climate-change relational model is one of cause and effect. It
starts with social-cultural constructs of gender. assigning to different genders different roles and
then each of those genders performing certain tasks in relation to land. Some of the tasks carried
out are degrading in nature, they culminate in climate change. Climate change. in turn, influ-
ences what activities are to be carried out by each gender. That completes the relational model.
61 Johnson (ed). The earth summit, International environmental law and policy series, 243-1.
Note that even developed countries like the US and Portugal at first argued that desertification
was a regional problem that did not require a global convention which would benefit those
countries experiencing serious drought and desertification. A compromise was, however, later
reached. and arrangements were made to convene for an International Convention in 1994.
62 TheRepublicofUgmda.KaramojaIntegratedDisarmamentandDevelopmmtProgramme(KIDDP),
Creating Conditions for Promoting Human security and Development in Karamoja 2007-1i1
63 G Busingye, A critical examination of the legal regime on control of desertification and man-
agement of drought in Uganda, 87.
64 Section 3 of the Local Governments Act, Cap. 213 provides for the district as the basic unit of
administration under the decentralisation programme. Other units of the local government's
administration are Local Council, V, or the District Council, IV, or the County Council, Ill, or
the Sub County Council, II, or the Parish Council and I or the Village Council. Section 43 of
the Land Act, Cap. 227 requires that utilisation of land in Uganda be done in accordance with
other laws, the Local Governments Act is one of such laws.
65 J T Mugambwa, Principles of land law in Uganda, Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 2002.33.
66 Uganda Land Alliance, Reviewing the implementation of the Land Act: critical issues for the
national land policy, 2007.3.
67 Section 3 of the Land Act, Cap. 227. for instance, gives powers to the parish committee to
process certificates of customary ownership of land by people residing in the parish.
68 IC Musoke, Drought hits more districts. The New Vision Newspaper, 4 August 2000.
69 Sarkar and Sivaramaya. Women and law, 232.
70 Ibid. 235.
71 A M Akol. B Isabirye. M J N Okwakol, Composition of ground foraging ant assemblage in
relation to land use change in Mabira forest. Uganda, available on the internet (accessed 7 May
2009).
72 Ramnayya, Kutty and Migongo-Bake (eds). Land tenure and environmental degradation in
the drylands of Asia, case studies from India. Mongolia and Nepal, a UNEP-sponsored publi-
cation, 1999, I.
73 WMO and UNEP. Climate change 2001.236.
74 W Ncube et al, Paradigms of exclusion, 64.
MONOGRAPH 167
43
EFTA01090144
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The Republic of Uganda: State of environment report, 20N/2007.
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World Health Organisation/United Nations Environment Programme. Climate change 2001:
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land status and claims for change. In L Muthoni Wanyeki (ed). Women and land in Africa:
culture. religion and realising women's rights. London: Zed Books. 2003.
44
EFTA01090145
Galbally, I E. and Roy,C R. In the tropical troposphere: a review. In Mohammad Llyas (ed). Ozone
depletion: implications for the tropics. Penang and Nairobi: University of Science Malaysia and
United Nations Programme, Nairobi, 1991.
Johnson, S P (ed). The earth summit, international environmental law and policy series, the United
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MONOGRAPH 167
45
EFTA01090146
Other official documents
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change 2001: synthesis report. Stand-alone edition.
46
EFTA01090147
Climate Change
Mitigation
EFTA01090148
EFTA01090149
L.. Climate change and
informal institutions in
the Lake Victoria Basin
ABSTRACT
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) analyses of impacts of
climate change suggests that in sub-Saharan Africa, where the majority of the
population depend on rain-fed agriculture, economic activities are likely to be
more vulnerable to climate change. This is so because the coping mechanisms
of the indigenous communities in the rural areas are limited due to lack of
appropriate technology. A survey of households and in-depth interviews with
key informants in the Lake Victoria Basin (LVB), however, illustrate that local
people in the LVB, through their informal institutions, have been developing
different strategies to deal with the impacts of climate change. These findings
also suggest that the strategies developed are in most instances adaptive to
the changing ecological conditions and are effective and useful in responding
to natural resource constraints as caused by climate change. The strategies
employed include: creating and implementing specific rules on access to and
utilisation of some specific natural resources, such as those in the water catch-
ment areas; creating and implementing rules on the type of crops to be grown
(mainly cassava and sweet potatoes); creating and implementing restrictions
MONOGRAPH 167
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on the type of harvests to be sold; and disseminating knowledge of weather
forecasts informed by indigenous•based tools and indicators to understand the
onset and end of rainfall. These findings form the basis for concrete recommen-
dations to the governments in the region to formulate policies and enact laws to
support informal institutions and indigenous•based technologies for sustain-
able development.
INTRODUCTION
Climate change is a global concern which typically threatens livelihoods and,
more generally, the sustainability of the majority of any population' The impacts
of climate change are felt at different levels: global, regional, national and local.
This chapter examines practices at the local level developed, by local people, to
minimise and cope with the impacts of climate change. The focus of the present
enquiry is specifically on rules and mechanisms created and implemented by
informal institutions in managing natural resources. It also analyses cultural
and social practices related to production systems and food management. The
study on which this chapter is based was conducted in the Lake Victoria Basin
(LVB) with particular focus on the Mara River Sub•Basin (MRSB), Tanzania.
For the purpose of natural resources management and control, Tanzania
is divided into nine basins with sub•basins.' These are Pangani, with its major
Pangani River; Wami/Ruvu, with their major Wami and Ruvu Rivers; Rufiji with
its major Rufiji River; and Ruvuma, with its major Ruvuma River and the south-
ern coast. All these drain into the Indian Ocean. Others are Lake Victoria, Lake
Nyasa, Lake Tanganyika, Lake Rukwa, and the internal drainage basins of Lake
Eyasi, Manyara and Bubu depression. The MRSB, with its major Mara River, is a
sub•basin within the LVB basin. The MRSB and its major Mara River originate
from southwest Kenya in the steep slopes of the Mau escarpments at an elevation
of approximately 3 000 m above mean sea level.' The Mara River then flows to
Lake Victoria, 1 100 m above mean sea level in Tanzania, for a distance of about
350 km' The entire basin covers an area of 13 750 km', of which 4 812,5 km' (35
per cent) lies in Tanzania, and the remaining 8 937,5 km2 (65 per cent), in Kenya.
The MRSB is located in a semi-arid zone in the LVB. The rainfall is bimodal
with brief periods of rain falling in November to January, and longer periods in
March to May. The average annual rainfall in the MRSB ranges between 500 mm
to 1 250 mm, with highlands receiving more rainfall than the lowlands'
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This chapter commences by contextualising certain socioeconomic condi-
tions prevailing in Africa, with specific reference to the sub-Saharan region in
the context of vulnerability and adaptation to the impacts of climate change. This
is considered against the received, albeit flawed, wisdom that Africa is unable
to manage its own natural resources' Section three describes both formal and
informal institutions that govern natural resources, including access, use and
control thereof, with specific reference to water resources. Section four discusses
in detail the role of informal institutions, namely the associations of traditional
leaders in natural resources management. The section further examines rules
on access to and utilisation of natural resources; rules on agricultural practices,
and their roles in averting climate change risks and impacts. Section five exam-
ines the process of disseminating weather forecast information to local people,
while section six explores the challenges facing informal institutions in setting
rules to govern natural resource access and utilisation. The remainder of the
chapter draws several conclusions and proposes some recommendations relat-
ing to the foregoing analysis.
AFRICA'S ECONOMIES AND THE
The climate change discourse started to gain increasing national and interna-
tional attention in the 1980s. As a result, several governments came together
in 1988 and formed the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).
This led to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC), which was tabled in 1992 at the United Nations Conference on
Environment and Development (UNCED).' UNCED, popularly known as the
Rio de Janeiro Conference, focused on, among other issues, policy issues related
to climate change adaptability. Africa, and more particularly the sub-Saharan
region, are among the most vulnerable regions and are particularly exposed
to the impacts of climate variability and change.' Africa's vulnerability arises
from a combination of many factors, including extreme poverty, frequent
natural disasters such as droughts and floods, and developing economies that
are primarily dependent on natural resources and are thus extremely vulner-
able to weather fluctuations. Vulnerability is the function of exposure, sensitiv-
ity and adaptive capacity of the people and their economic activities to climate
change.' Therefore, the capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist and recover from
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the impact of hydrological disasters, such as droughts, indicates the level of
vulnerability.10 Africa's high vulnerability to the impacts of climate variability
and change is also attributed to its low adaptive capacity." Despite low adaptive
capacity, some communities have developed traditional adaptation strategies to
cope with climate variability and extreme events. Examples include: creating
informal institutions to regulate the use of natural resources; adjustments to
planting dates to take advantage of early rainfall; planting drought resistant
crops; and periodic long-distance movements by nomadic pastoralists to areas
less affected by drought in response to changing climates.
Agriculture is the most important economic activity in the LVB, supporting
over 80 per cent of the population of about 30 million people, but 60 per cent of
these depend on rain•based rural economies, generating in the range of 30-40
per cent of the countries' gross domestic product (GDP)." Rain•fed agriculture
in the LVB constitutes more than 95 per cent of the agricultural land use and
it has undergone enormous environmental changes within the last 40 years."
Climate change and land degradation have been repeatedly recognised as being
among the major contributors of rapidly evolving changes in the basin that seri-
ously threaten its ecosystem functions, overall biodiversity and the livelihoods
of it populations!'
Sustainable management of natural resources in river basins is an important but
very complex issue. The conditions and requirements for its achievement could
vary from place to place over time, since it depends on factors such as geographi-
cal location, ecological conditions, socioeconomic issues, institutional arrange-
ments, and cultural background. Both formal and informal institutions have
been established in Tanzania to manage and allocate natural resources among
and between different users. Institutions, be they formal or informal, could po-
tentially provide incentives to groups and individuals, and also structure human
action and interaction, especially in economic activities, in collective action and
in sustainable natural resource allocation and use. Institutions have dual facili-
ties to constrain and liberate different actions in society, that is, either prohibit
people from doing something or prescribe conditions for when something is
done with respect to socioeconomic and environmental activities."
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Although different scholars' admit the difficulty, and acknowledge various
contradictions, in defining the term 'institution, there is a common under-
standing that an institution is best described as a set of rules governing human
beings and their activities. This can be seen from the definitions of two reputa-
ble scholars." North" defines institutions, as 'the rules that govern a society or,
more formally, are the humanly devised constraints that structure and shape
human actions and interactions between members of the society and with the
surrounding environment'. Ostrom" defines institutions as 'the set of rules ac-
tually used (the working rule or rule-in-use) by a set of individuals to organise
repetitive activities that produced outcomes affecting those individuals and
potentially affecting others'. North notes two forms of institutions, namely
formal (constitutions, policies, laws and property rights) and informal (taboos,
codes of conduct, norms and traditions). He further notes that institutions can
be created, such as constitutions, or institutions can simply evolve over time,
such as common law. Institutions, therefore, according to North, are creations
of human beings and they hence evolve and are continuously altered by human
beings.2° Moreover, the ways institutions evolve and develop have an influence
on the natural resource management and socioeconomic development of a
society over time and space.
To manage natural resources in the specific basins, institutions, both
formal and informal, (customary) are established to coordinate and set rules
and regulations to govern the utilisation of the resources. In Tanzania, for
example, most river basins have River Basin Water Boards (RBWB) and River
Basin Water Offices (RBWO) established under the Water Utilization (Control
and Regulation) Act.31 These institutions have a basin-wide responsibility for
resource allocation, in this instance, water.' In the LVB, formal institutions
include the Lake Victoria Basin Water Office (LVBWO), based in Mwanza.
Although the LVBWO was established by Act No. 10 of 1981," which is the
amendment act to the principal Water Utilization (Control and Regulation) Act
No. 42 of 1974, which aims to control, regulate and allocate water resources for
different uses in the LVB, there are limited water-use rights granted to users.
The latter limits sustainable utilisation of water and other natural resources
in the basin because users lack incentives to manage the resources. The only
user rights have been granted to the Water User Associations (WUAs) for
boreholes. Other formal institutions include the Lake Victoria Environmental
Management Project (LVEMP) based in Mwanza, with subsidiary offices in
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Musoma and Bukoba mainly dealing with the development of Lake Victoria's
water resources and controlling water hyacinth (Eichhornia crassipes); and Mara
River Initiative Project (MRIP) based in Musoma, dealing with the management
of natural resources in the Mara River Sub-basin. MRIP works in collaboration
with local communities to establish and implement strategies and mechanisms
to manage natural resources. The RBWO, however, places significant emphasis
on water supply for domestic and industrial uses, with little or no emphasis on
environmental conservation.
Similarly, there are informal institutions that are established under customary
rules to govern access, control, ownership and utilisation of natural resources?4
These institutions play important roles in preventing the degradation of natural
resources and/or restoring already degraded resources in order to minimise the
effects of some extreme climactic events, such as droughts and floods.
Writing on the relationship between formal and informal institutions,
Cousinst5 notes that formal institutions are rules enforced by the state, i.e. un-
derscored by law, while informal institutions are rules enforced endogenously.
Thus, as Boesen, Maganga and Odgaad" note, customs and codes of conduct
developed under specific socioeconomic and cultural conditions are therefore
meant to govern informal institutions and are dynamic. While institutions, such
as the RBWO, that grant resource user rights have accordingly been developed
by the state (formal institutions), informal institutions are based on custom-
ary laws? Local communities have been developing informal institutions with
rules, norms and regulations over time to govern access to natural resources
and the use of natural resources in the specific sociocultural and ecological
conditions. This is generally the case in most developing countries, where the
majority of the population live in rural areas and depend on natural resources
for their survival. In these conditions, access to, utilisation and control over
natural resources seem to be governed by customary systems based on culture."
Thus, while informal institutions are mainly based on sociocultural practices of
the local people, formal institutions are governed by policies and legislation.
Appropriate policies and legislation create an enabling environment for sustain-
able natural resource management and development. A policy is a government's
54
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main governance mechanism to provide guidelines for implementing develop-
ment plans and strategies. For natural resources, a policy sets broad criteria and
procedures intended to provide guidance to planners and decision-makers and
those charged with power to implement and execute natural resource-based
development plans. To operate effectively and efficiently, laws are enacted to
enforce the implementation of the policies. A law defines the legal entitlement
to the specific natural resource and identifies the rights and obligations tied to
its allocation and use and, consequently, provide the prescriptive parameters
for the resource's development. Some of these laws facilitate natural resource
management on a river basin basis. In Tanzania, for example, water resource
development is governed by both lase and policy." According to the 2002
Water Policy, water-based institutions, both formal and informal, are expected
to play a greater role in water resource exploration, assessment, allocation, pol-
lution control, catchment management, and basin planning and development.
The policy, however, seems to afford more attention to formal institutions while
informal institutions of water resource management are not afforded the same.
Other sector-specific policies in Tanzania include the Agricultural Policy,"
the National Land Policy" and the National Forestry Policy," which are all
equally important in governing natural resource use and management. Since
these policies are sector-specific they sometimes create conflicts in their im-
plementation. The National Environmental Policy," for example, failed to har-
monise sector-specific policies with a view to creating a common policy which
cuts across different related sectors, such as forestry and water. The National
Environmental Policy describes the role of sector-specific policies without nec-
essarily indicating how different sector-specific policies merge. The conflicting
natural resource policies could be one of the exacerbating factors that contrib-
ute to natural resource degradation in the country and accordingly, does not
contribute to establishing a sound formal policy and legislative base to address
issues such as the impacts of climate change.
Similarly, the uncoordinated informal and formal institutions have af-
fected natural resource development, particularly as far as allocation, access
and control are concerned. Chancellor, Hasnip and Oneill write: 'There is
generally a gulf between institutions particularly the officials of government
institutions and local people institutions resulting in poor communication
and poor appreciation of others' needs and expectations.'" These existing
weak institutional arrangements, particularly in the river basins, have in all
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probability been exacerbating natural resource mismanagement in most river
basins in Tanzania. The challenges associated with conflicting formal and
informal systems of natural resource management are further exacerbated by
the fact that local people have limited knowledge about the policies and leg-
islation governing water resources. Successful and sustained natural resource
management requires the commitment of relevant institutions, policies and
legislation. Certain studies" indicate that over 80 per cent of local people have
limited knowledge regarding natural resource-related policies and legislation.
Government and other responsible institutions seem not to have plans to dis-
seminate the guidelines and laws governing natural resources as stipulated
in the relevant national policies and legislation. Moreover, in Tanzania, some
policies and laws lack clear strategies and mechanisms to protect the environ-
ment from degradation. For instance, water laws" seem to be inadequate to
facilitate proper catchment management and to protect water sources from
degradation. The primary objectives of the Water Utilization (control and
regulation) Act No. 42 of 1974 and its subsequent amendments, No. 10 Of
1981 and No. 17 of 1989,98 seem to be focused on water allocation, that is,
administrative issues of granting water rights, and water pollution control,
including setting water quality standards and permissible effluents standards.
Few provisions are put in place to minimise or combat the degradation of
natural resources.
Governments would therefore be well-advised to integrate formal and in-
formal systems for sustainable natural resources management. Gillingham"
notes that the existing environmental problems in river basins are accelerated
by the tendencies of formal river basin-based institution officials to ignore the
basic principles of customary systems of natural resources utilisation. To show
the need to integrate customary and formal legal systems in natural resources
management Gillingham writes: 1f water managers attempt to impose change
on water users by altering statutory law, such initiatives can be rendered inef-
fective if the water users do not integrate them into the customary rules which
govern their daily water use". It is further important to note in this respect
that formal and informal systems can contradict or complement one another
in natural resources management. North" notes here that formal rules can
compliment and increase the effectiveness of the informal constraints through
lowering information, monitoring, and enforcement costs and hence rendering
informal constraints possibly more efficient.
56
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Background
Informal institutional arrangements play a significant role in natural resource
management in the LVB and, particularly, the MRSB. The most common and
effective informal institutions in governing access, use and control in the
MRSB, are the associations of tribal traditional leaders, which are governed
by taboos, codes of conduct, norms and traditions. These institutions are
important in governing local people's involvement in different sociocultural,
economic, political and environmental activities, including the utilisation of
natural resources. Members of these informal institutions are mostly elder men
who are elected based on particular social, political and cultural characteristics
of the family, including extensive knowledge of the spatiotemporal changes of
surrounding natural resources and local medicines. The number of members
of the associations of tribal traditional leaders per village range between 15 and
20, usually consisting of a chairman, secretary and treasurer. These associations
have powers, based on customary laws, to set rules and enforce these in their
areas of jurisdictions. They therefore play an important role in settling cultural,
social, economic and political matters and conflicts as reported to them and/or
observed by one or more members of the association.
In the LVB and specifically the MRSB, tribal traditional leaders are the local
experts in several aspects, including, inter cilia, the society and surrounding
environment, local medicines, knowledge of environmental changes in their
area, and location of different resources. Traditional leaders are superior indi-
viduals in society and are highly respected by members of their community.
Tribal traditional leaders are only older men, mainly 60 and above years of age.
This gender and age, specifically, seem to reflect gender division of labour in
the community, both in the production system and knowledge about the sur-
rounding environment. Through their role of taking livestock to pasture and
water, men seem to gain extensive knowledge of the dynamic nature of the
surrounding natural resources as compared to their women counterparts!'
Although each village has the association of tribal traditional leaders, there are,
however, information flows from one village to another, provided that the same
ethnic group(s) inhabit the villages concerned. Tribal traditional leaders play
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the key role in setting rules to govern and control all cultural practices, such as
ritual activities, and utilisation of some specific resources, particularly forests
and water resources. Spiritual leaders further design mechanisms to implement
the rules they set, also with the view to ensuring that local people adhere to
those rules and regulations. The main rules that relate to coping mechanisms
as regards the impacts of climate change include rules on access to and utilisa-
tion of some specific natural resources, rules on the type of crops to be grown,
and restrictions on the type of harvests to be sold. Traditional leaders are also
responsible for disseminating knowledge and information on weather forecasts,
and are informed by indigenous tools and indicators to understand the onset
and end of rainfall in this respect.
Rules on access to and utilisation of natural resources
Traditional leaders typically impose limits on access to those natural resources,
which are believed to be important for the livelihoods of local people. The most
important natural resources that would require some restrictions in this respect
include water resources; natural forests believed to control rainfall; and certain
trees, such as fig trees, which are believed to be a source of water. There are
also restrictions and prohibitions on felling trees for making charcoal intended
for commercial purposes. Furthermore, bushfires are prohibited and non-
compliance is heavily punished. The main objective of limiting access to these
resources, is conservation, with the view to reducing or curbing degradation.
Forms of restrictions of access to and utilisation of specific natural resources
include the uses for which the resources are intended; the time of a day to which
one is allowed to access the resources; the ability of social groups to access the
resources; and the quantity of the resources to be harvested or utilised.
Traditional leaders use different strategies and mechanisms to enforce the
rules they set on access to and utilisation of natural resources. These strategies
and mechanisms include practising ritual activities within and around the
natural resources, and setting penalties for violators of the rules. The penalties
are socio•culturally constructed, including separating violators from participat-
ing in and sharing sociocultural and economic activities with other members of
the society. Others include paying fines of livestock, local brews and money.
This would accordingly coerce each member of the community to adhere to the
rules to avoid penalties. Ritual activities, on the other hand, place limitations
58
EFTA01090159
(by informal rules) on access to and utilisation of certain areas and resources
by restricting the access of some social groups believed to degrade natural re-
sources to areas where ritual activities are practised. Traditional leaders claim to
have local medicines that, when applied to a specific area, harm any unauthor-
ised person visiting the area. For example, one man is claimed to have injured
himself in the process of cutting down trees. For this reason, therefore, only
traditional leaders have access to and authority over utilisation of forests and
forest products located in and around areas where ritual activities are practised.
These areas are mainly near or around water sources, within natural forests,
and under certain large trees. The result is that local communities respect
highly sensitive natural resources within and around these areas because they
are aware of the rules, and in most instances agree with these rules. This, in
turn, is expected to reduce degradation of natural resources and consequently
would reduce levels of vulnerability to the impacts of climate change.
Rules on agricultural practices
One of the key impacts of climate change and variability relating to human
security in the LVB is food insecurity. This is so because over 80 per cent of the
population in the basin depends on rain-fed agriculture as their main source of
livelihood. To minimise the impacts of climate change on agricultural produc-
tion, traditional leaders set rules, informed by knowledge of rainfall variabil-
ity and change, on what, where and when to plant certain crops. For instance,
growing drought-tolerant crops such as cassava and sweet potatoes may be
made compulsory for each household when less rainfall is expected in a specific
year. This has made cassava and sweet potatoes, which were not the main food
crops in the MRSB prior to the 1970s drought," the main food crops in the
area. It has, for instance, been made compulsory for each household to grow
cassava and sweet potatoes as a strategy to minimise the impacts of droughts
and thus improve food security.
Furthermore, decreased rainfall seems to have compelled traditional leaders
to introduce the second cultivation season, that is, the 'short' season, to sup-
plement food deficits in the 'long' season due to unreliable rainfall. When
rainfall was sufficient and reliable, harvests from long seasons were sufficient.
The decrease and unreliability of rainfall may have led to the reduction of har-
vests during the long season, compelling local people to introduce the short
MONOGRAPH 167
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cultivation season. Other factors such as population increases at the household
level and commercialisation of agriculture may, however, have caused the
shift from one cultivation season to two cultivation seasons in the year, due
to increased food requirements. Similarly, commercialisation of agriculture
may have increased demand for land leading to a reduction of land for food
crop production.
Other agriculture-related rules, practices and coping strategies which are
commonly used in the LVB in response to climate change and variability,
include selecting the type of landscape (land surface units) where crops are
grown, when crops should be grown (cultivation seasons), and techniques em-
ployed during cultivation. What, where, when and how to cultivate crops in the
MRSB depends on, among other factors, the knowledge of the amount of rain-
fall in a specific time period (season) and the capacity of different landscapes
to hold water. For instance, when there is insufficient rainfall over protracted
periods of time, local people cultivate in the lowlands with relatively high
moisture content. They also construct and grow crops on ridges in order to tap
surface run-off water, thereby increasing moisture sufficiency for plant growth.
Similarly, during heavy rainfall, ridges reduce surface run-off and therefore
minimise impacts on the land, such as soil erosion. This strategy ensures sus-
tainability of food sufficiency at household levels throughout the year.
Furthermore, traditional leaders set rules to limit households from selling
food crops following harvests. When weather forecasts, based on indigenous
indicators, indicate either insufficient or late onset of rainfall, each household
is prohibited from selling their harvested food as a strategy to increase food
storage and security for future use. In some cases, members of households are
also prohibited from having celebrations or cultural practices that require extra
food. For instance, when low rainfall and, as a consequence, a smaller harvest
is expected, traditional leaders prohibit circumcision ceremonies that normally
take place every two years.
Informal institutions and dissemination
of weather forecast information
To set specific rules or adopt a specific strategy, traditional leaders employ
knowledge of the past, current and future weather conditions related to rainfall.
The knowledge of rainfall variability is based on a number of elements observed
60
EFTA01090161
over a number of years. The need to understand rainfall variability has required
traditional leaders in the MRSB to develop tools for forecasting rainfall onset
and end in order to prepare for the expected adverse hydrological conditions, or
to prepare to take advantage of the expected favourable hydrological conditions
in their socioeconomic activities. The tools for rainfall forecasts that have been
developed have been based on practices and experiences gained while interact-
ing with the environment, particularly when practising socioeconomic and
political activities.
The main tools that have been developed and employed for forecasting
rainfall in the MRSB, are divided into seven major categories, namely: elements
of weather, wild animal behaviour, insect behaviour, astronomy, water body
characteristics, bird behaviour, and fishing. These tools are used to predict the
beginning and end of rainfall. A single tool and its indicator(s), however, are not
sufficient to forecast the onset and/or end of rainfall. Instead, spiritual leaders
use a combination of tools and their indicators to reach a decision concerning
the expected hydrological condition in their area.
Thus, traditional leaders, as an institution, disseminate knowledge on expect-
ed weather conditions to the local communities, which is a critical process nec-
essary for enhancing the adaptive capacities of the smallholder communities in
rural areas to climate change. Traditional leaders, through their associations, are
therefore sources of information on weather or new and potential strategies for
averting climate change risks. Smallholder communities could therefore benefit
greatly from weather forecasts in a number of ways. For example, knowing in
advance if the rainfall will be normal, below or above average, could help them
chose the most suitable crop/varieties, adjust to their cropping practices, or take
other measures necessary to maximise benefits or minimise losses."
Challenges facing informal institutions
Informal and formal institutions seem not to complement one another. For in-
stance, the granting of water rights to private companies or individuals, and the
allocation of land to individuals or private companies which is done by formal
institutions, deprive traditional leaders of the right to impose any rule over the
land and resources. Since local people seem to have limited knowledge of poli-
cies and legislation, these people do not give due support to rules and regulations
imposed by formal institutions and, instead, they rely on informal rules. Ruttan"
MONOGRAPH 167
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establishes the hypothesis that institutions governing natural resources should
follow the principle `restraint for gain', that is, if users are able to agree on the
rules in operation, it becomes possible to follow the rules. Similarly, Gillinghami"
observes that, in Tanzania, formal rules have been ineffective because formal
institutions tend to ignore the customary systems of the local people.
Furthermore, rapid population growth due to in-migration, for example,
migration of livestock keepers together with their livestock, has put informal
institutions at risk. Migrants to specific ecological systems alter the natural
states due to increased pressure on natural resources. Migrants with different
sociocultural and political backgrounds also disrupt the management systems
of natural resources of the local communities. Moreover, migrants lack alter-
natives to earning their livelihoods, which leads to overexploitation of natural
resources, including water, fuel wood, wild meat and land for cultivation. These
and other needs have led to deforestation, degradation of catchments and
general encroachment on marginal lands, making the land vulnerable to the
impacts of climate change.
Transboundary resources are also difficult to manage through informal
rules as they cut across different socioeconomic and political boundaries. For
instance, the main water catchment in the MRSB is the Mau escarpments,
which lie in the MRSB, Kenya. This renders rules set by traditional leaders in
the MRSB in Tanzania inapplicable to the Kenyan side.
Urbanisation is another challenge facing informal institutions in the man-
agement of natural resources in the LVB. Urbanisation in the LVB and Africa in
general is increasing at an alarming rate. With urbanisation, informal systems
lose their strength because urban areas are mostly inhabited by people from
different socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds. The major problem seems to
be a lack of adequate policies and legislation to support these informal systems
of natural resources management.
CONCLUSION
This chapter has illustrated the roles that institutions and, in particular, infor-
mal institutions play in governing day-to-day natural resource use and man-
agement thereof at the local level. Institutions, be they formal or informal, can
provide incentives to groups and individuals, and also structure human action
and interaction, especially in economic activities, individually or collectively,
62
EFTA01090163
ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS j KOTZE
in sustainable natural resource allocation and use. Institutions can either con-
strain or liberate different actions in society, and also establish rules to be fol-
lowed before or when performing different socioeconomic and cultural activi-
ties. With respect to natural resources, rules and regulations can prohibit people
from doing something, impose conditions on actions and also permit certain
socioeconomic, political and cultural activities at specific locations over certain
resources during a specified period of time. These rules, as this chapter demon-
strated, are important in natural resource management and would enhance the
resilience of resources to the impacts of climate change at the local level. It is,
however, essential that, since informal institutions are important to sustainable
natural resource management, they are supported by more formal policies and
legislation.
NOTES
1
IPCC. Climate change 2001: synthesis report, A Contribution of Working Groups 1, II. and
III to the Third Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
2
Ministry of Water and Livestock Development, National Water Policy, Dar es Salaam, 2002.
3
G O Krhoda. The hydrology of the Mara River: preliminary phase; project development and
stakeholders analysis. W WF - East Africa regional programme office. Nairobi. 2001.
1
United Republic of Tanzania, Study for the development of the Mara River valley, Preliminary
report of the pre-feasibility study in three sections, prepared by the experts from Yugoslavia.
Mara Region: Regional Commissioner's Office. 1976.
5
Ibid.
6
M Leach and R Mearns, Environmental change and policy: challenging received wisdom
in Africa. in Melissa Leach and Robin Nlearns (eds), The lie of the land: challenging received
wisdom on the African environment. London: The International African Institute. 1996. 1-33.
7
IPCC, Climate change 1995: economic and social dimension of climate change, Contribution of
Working Group III to the Second Assessment Report of the IPCC, Cambridge and New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1996.
8
Ibid. Also see IPCC, Climate change 2001.
9
K D Frederick, Adapting to climate impacts on the supply and demand for water. Climate
Change, (1997), 37. 141-156
10 Ibid.
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11 IPCC, Climate change 2001: synthesis report, A Contribution of Working Groups I. II. and
III to the Third Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
Cambridge and New Yott: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
12 World Bank, World development report, 1997. Washington, DC: The World Bank, 1997.
13 E O Odada, D O Olago, K Kulindwa. M Ntiba and S Wandiga, Mitigation of environmental
problems in Lake Victoria. East Africa: causal chain and policy options analyses. Amble 33
(2004), (1-2).
14 D Verschuren, T C Johnson, H I Kling et al, History and timing of human impact on Lake
Victoria, East Africa, London: Proc. Roy. Soc. B, 2002, 269, 289-294.
15 See, for example, J Ensminger, 1998, North, 1990, Ostrom, 1990.
16 Ibid.
17 D North, Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1990. North provides extensive understanding of different types of institu-
tions. and also both operational and working definitions of the term.
18 See D North, Institutions, institutional change and economic performance, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1990, 3.
19 E Ostrom, Crafting institutions for self-governing irrigation systems. San Francisco: ICS press.
1992, 19.
20 D North, Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. 1990.
21 Water Utilization (Control and Regulation) Act No.42 of 1974 and its amendments - Act No.
10 of 1981 and Act No. 17 of 1989.
22 National Water Policy, Ministry of Water and Livestock Development, Dar es Salaam. 2002.
23 Water Utilization (Control and Regulation) Act No.42 of 1974 and its amendments - Act No.
ID of 1981 and Act No.17 of 1989.
24 See, for example. J Boesen, I S Kikula and F P Maganga. 1999: F Maganga. 1999:2002
25 B Cousins, How do rights become real? Formal and informal institutions in South Africa's
tenure reform programme. Proceedings of the international conference on land tenure in
developing world, University of Cape Town. 27-29 January 1998, 88-100.
26 J Boesen, F Maganga, and R Odgaard, Rules. norms, organizations and actual practices in
relation to land and water management in Ruaha River basin, Tanzania, in RiiaRiita Granfelt
ed, Managing the globalized environment, London: Intermediate Technology Publications.
1999.114-132.
27 Odgaad (1999) quoted in Maganga, 2002, 64. noted four aspects of customary laws: 1.
Customary laws as interpreted in the courts of law (the principle of precedents): 2. Indigenous
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ROSE MWERAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
customary laws: 3. Customary laws as interpreted by traditional authorities: and 1. Customary
living law as applied by people in everyday life.
28 See, for example. J Boesen, l S Kikula and F P Maganga. 1999: F Maganga and I Juma, 2000: D
A Mwiturubani, 2005.
29 Water Utilization (Control and Regulation) Act No. 42 of 1974 and its amendments - Act No.
10 of 1981 and Act No. 17 of 1989.
30 National Water Policy, Ministry of Water and Livestock Development, Dar es Salaam. 2002.
31 National Agricultural Policy, Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development. Dar es
Salaam, 1997.
32 National Land Policy, Ministry of Land and Housing Development. Dar es Salaam. 1995.
33 National Forestry Policy, Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism. Dar es Salaam, 1998.
34 National Environmental Policy. Vice President Office, Dar es Salaam. 1997.
35 F Chancellor, N Hasnip, and D Oneill, Gender-sensitive irrigation: guidance for small-
holder irrigation development, Report OD 113 (Part 1). H R Wallingforg. Department for
International Development. 1999, 25.
36 See, for example. D A hlwiturubani, 2005.
37 Water Utilization (Control and Regulation) Act No. 42 of 1974 and its amendments - Act No.
10 of 1981 and Act No. 17 of 1989.
38 Ibid.
39 M E Gillingham. Gaining access to water: indigenous irrigation on Mount Kilimanjaro,
Tanzania, Unpublished PhD Thesis. Emmanuel College, University of Cambridge. 1997. 334.
40 Ibid, 331.
41 D North, nstitutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. 1990.
42 Similar division of labour is also found in some societies in Egypt, see Hamed. Hlbrahim,
Mekki et al. Indigenous environmental knowledges and sustainable development in semi-arid
Africa, DFID Final Research Report (R7906). 2002.
13 1970s is referred to many times in the NIRSB as the worst decade because of persistent drought.
44 K P C Rao and G E Okwach, Enhancing productivity of water resources management in arid
and semi arid regions prospective and challenges for the 21st century, Biospstcsns Engineering
81(2005).3-31.
45 L M Ruttan, Closing the commons: cooperation for gain or restraint? Human Ecology. 26(1)
(1998), 43-66.
46 Gillingham. Gaining access to water: indigenous irrigation on Mount Kilimanjaro..
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Boesen. J. Kikula. I S and Maganga. F P. Sustainable agriculture in semi-arid Tanzania. Dar es
Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press. 1999.
Ensminger, J. Anthropology and the new institutionalism. Journal of Institutional and Theoretical
Economics 154 (1998).
Gillingham, M E. Gaining access to water: indigenous irrigation on Mount Kilimanjaro, Tanzania.
Unpublished PhD Thesis, Emmanuel College, University of Cambridge. 2002.
Hamed, N. Ibrahim, H, Mekki, H A. Springuel, I. Yacoub, H, Briggs, J, Roe A, and Sharp. J.
Indigenous environmental knowledges and sustainable development in semi-arid Africa.
Department for International Development (DFID), Social Science Research Unit. Project No:
R7906.2002.
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Climate change 2001: synthesis report.
A Contribution of Working Groups I, II, and III to the Third Assessment Report of the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Cambridge and New York. Cambridge University
Press, 2001..
Maganga, F P and Juma. I H. From customary to statutory systems: changes in land and water
management in irrigated areas of Tanzania - a study of local resource management in Usangu
plains. Research report submitted to ENRECA, 2000.
Maganga, F. The interplay between formal and informal systems of managing resource conflicts:
some evidence from southern Tanzania. European Journal of Development Research 14(2)
(2002).
Mwiturubani, D A. Gender and water use management along Tabora River, Serengeti District,
Tanzania. In Hussein Sosovele, Jannik Boesen and Faustin Maganga. Social and environ-
mental impact of irrigation farming in Tanzania, selected cases. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam
University Press, 2005.
North, D. Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. 1990.
United Republic of Tanzania. Water Utilization (Control and Regulation) Act No 42 of 7974. Dar
es Salaam. 1974.
United Republic of Tanzania. Environmental Management Act No. 20 of 2004. Dar es Salaam.
2004.
United Republic of Tanzania. National Water Policy. Ministry of Water, Energy and Minerals. Dar
es Salaam. 1991.
United Republic of Tanzania. National Land Policy. Ministry of Land and Settlement Development.
Dar es Salaam. 1995.
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United Republic of Tanzania. Rapid Water Resources Assessment Vol. I and II. Ministry of Water.
Energy and Minerals. Dar es Salaam, 1995.
United Republic of Tanzania. Land use/cover of Tanzania. Ministry of Natural Resources and
Tourism, Dar es Salaam, 1996.
United Republic of Tanzania. National Environmental Policy. Vice President's Office, Dar es
Salaam, 1997.
United Republic of Tanzania. National Forestry Policy. Ministry of Natural Resources and
Tourism, Dar es Salaam, 1998.
United Republic of Tanzania. Institutional and Legal Framework for Environmental Management
in Tanzania. A Report Prepared for Institutional and Legal Framework for Environmental
Management Project (ILEMP) by Lawyer's Environmental Action Team (LEAT), Dar es
Salaam, 1999..
United Republic ofTanzania. National WaterPoligtMinistryotWaterand Livestock Development.
Dar es Salaam. 2002.
Verschuren. D. Johnson, T C, Kling, H J, Edgington, D N, Leavitt, P R, Brown, E T, Talbot, NI R.
and Hecky. R E. History and liming of human impact on Lake Victoria, East Africa. London:
2002.
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Climate Change
Adaptation
EFTA01090170
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Adaptation
policies in Africa
Challenges and opportunities in the application
of tools and methods on climate change
ABSTRACT
Scientific advances in seasonal as well as multidecadal predictions in climate
variability and change have laid bare the enormity of challenges in adaptation
to the adverse impacts of climate change. They have also smoothed out some
impediments to pushing forward the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change (UNFCCCY process. A range of tools and methods now
exist, or are in prototype phase, which are designed to facilitate access, un-
derstanding and application of climate data which could be employed by least
developed countries (LDCs) in the design of appropriate adaptation policies,
strategic pathways and enabling legislation. These tools and methods are essen-
tial for making science-based policy decisions on adaptation. Yet, the complex-
ity and cost associated with such data, tools and methods do not always match
the manpower and technological capacity of African LDCs and, as such, their
effect on the design of adaptation processes is bound to be limited. This chapter
dwells on policy and legal challenges, and opportunities, in the use of tools and
methods for adaptation by focusing specifically on Eritrea as a case study. It is
maintained that effort needs to be made through the UNFCCC process, as well
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as possible regional initiatives, to enhance capacity of African LDCs in applica-
tion of available tools and methods on climate change. Parallel to such efforts,
regulatory measures are needed to ensure harmonisation of environmental/
natural resource related laws and policies and coordination among relevant
institutions, with the view to facilitating adaptation mainstreaming into devel-
opment planning. In this regard, it is further maintained that any future regu-
latory attempts need to take due account of local coping strategies at national
and regional levels.
INTRODUCTION
There is now general consensus that existing, as well as future, climate
change-related global arrangements, even if they were to be keenly followed
through, would not alone stabilise greenhouse gases (GHGs) and avoid climate
change.' With this realisation, adaptation to impacts of climate change and
variability is indispensable. This is especially true for Africa where, chiefly
due to the continent's low adaptive capacity, the impacts of climate variabil-
ity and change are expected to be immense. The fourth assessment report
by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (AR4),3 documents evi-
dence related to the widespread impacts of climate change on livelihoods and
ecosystems. The continent is identified as one of the regions most vulnerable
to climate variability and change due to multiple stresses and low adaptive
capacity.'
Contrary to popular belief, adaptation to adverse impacts of climate
variability and change is not a novel phenomenon in Africa. People have been
dealing with such impacts for decades. African societies have thus continuously
developed local adaptation strategies' to cope with extreme weather events,
such as droughts and famine. Yet `the expected regional changes in climate and
the subsequent impacts - especially on water availability, agricultural produc-
tion and human health - will severely strain their coping capacity" In sum, the
reality is that it will be increasingly difficult for African countries to cope with
impacts of climate vulnerability and change.
This chapter deals with policy and legal challenges and opportunities in the
use of much-needed tools and methods for adaptation to the adverse impacts of
climate change, by focusing on the Eritrean scenario as a case study. The first
part briefly introduces the concept and utility of adaptation mainstreaming and
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the nexus with climate tools and methods. Part two then defines and explains
the use of applicable methodologies/approaches, methods and/or tools that are
currently being employed for assessing vulnerability and risks, and furthermore
investigates the policy and legal challenges associated with these. Part three as-
sesses adaptation-sensitive legislative and policy tools in Eritrea with specific
focus on challenges and opportunities in the use and application of tools and
methods for adaptation to climate change. It then proceeds to assess the impli-
cations of these for other African LDCs. The final section presents conclusions
drawn from the findings of the research.
Improving adaptive capacity is critical to reducing vulnerability to climate
change. Low adaptive capacity is linked to an array of factors, including, inter
alia, deterioration of ecological base, poverty, land distribution, and high de-
pendence on natural resources. Climate change is not only an environmental
issue; it is also a development issue? As such, an integrated approach to adapta-
tion is imperative. Adaptation has to be integrated within the broader milieu
of sustainable development and poverty-reduction strategies .° Such integration
presupposes the existence of appropriate policies and legal and institutional
groundwork for coordinating multisectoral and multistakeholder adaptation-
related interests and concerns.
Adaptation to climate variability and change is a process. There is a link
between the past, the present and the future. Past climatic impacts would need
to be assessed and responded to in order to increase adaptive capacity and
resilience and formulate plans and policies that address future risks. Such as-
sessments necessitate the use of scientific means, not only to analyse climatic
data, but also to determine proper adaptation responses to the problems iden-
tified.' Science- based adaptation decision-making is a requirement under the
UNFCCC process and is bound to involve the application of different scientific
methodologies/approaches, and tools.
As noted in the preceding paragraph, the UNFCCC requires its developed
country members to undertake national impact assessments of climate change
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and report their adaptation efforts. Although not a strict requirement for LDCs
at this stage, these countries also ordinarily submit their reports. In undertak-
ing these assessments, parties are expected to utilise applicable methodologies/
approaches,10 methods," and/ or tools' for making these assessments (impact,
vulnerability and risk) with sectoral or multisectoral applications (for example,
scenario-building methods and stakeholder analysis tools). Some of these
methods and tools are designed to assist in crafting adaptation pathways and
policies following vulnerability, impact and risk assessments. Selection, under-
standing and application of these tools could be exceedingly challenging. In
addition, new tools and methods are constantly being developed and the ap-
plication of those that are already in use is steadily being refined." Many of
the tools and methods have intellectual property rights (IPRs) attached to them
and, hence, are costly." It must be noted that the Bali Action Plan (2007)" has
launched a comprehensive process to enable the full, effective and sustained
implementation of the UNFCCC through long-term cooperative action that
will be operational beyond 2012. The plan attaches equal weight to mitigation
and adaptation, and identifies technology and finance as the key mechanisms
to enable developing countries to respond to climate change. With technol-
ogy transfer, the focus normally has been on 'hard' technologies. Methods and
tools for, among others, vulnerability, impact, risk assessment; and adaptation
decision-making, are not conventionally discussed in the ongoing discourse on
technology transfer.16
The following section assesses the policy and legislative tools in Eritrea in
light of the opportunities and challenges faced in adaptation mainstreaming,
science-based adaptation decision-making and the associated access to and ap-
plication of tools and methods.
Climatic (vulnerability) context
Like most LDCs, Eritrea is highly vulnerable to climate variability and change
and has low adaptive capacity. The country is composed of low-lying coastal
regions, arid and semi-arid areas, areas that are highly susceptible to drought
and desertification, fragile ecosystems (for example, mountainous ecosystems),
and its fledgling economy is highly dependent on fossil fuels. Its low adaptive
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ROSE MWERAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
capacity is also attributable to handicaps in social capital, technology and
human resources."
Constitutional context
The Constitution of Eritrea contains a notable enunciation on sustainable
development:
In the interest of present and future generations, the State shall be re-
sponsible for managing all land, water, air and natural resources and for
ensuring their management in a balanced and sustainable manner; and
for creating the right conditions to secure the participation of the people
in safeguarding the environment."
The Constitution of Eritrea is yet to be enforced19 and the above constitutional
construct is yet to be interpreted by the judiciary. It is not, however, difficult to
see that the constitution could potentially be progressively interpreted to attach
value to lofty environmental ethics such as sustainable development, intergen-
erational equity and public participation in environmental management.
Climate change is a sustainable development issue as its impacts are bound
to impinge on the environment, natural resources, livelihoods and, indeed,
the economy. The above constitutional construct could thus be positively con-
strued to serve as a basis for policy and legislative development on adaptation to
adverse impacts of climate change in Eritrea.
Adaptation policy and legislative context
Eritrea acceded to the UNFCCC on 25 March 1995. No policy tool on climate
change adaptation has been established in Eritrea to date. Yet some incidental
statutory and policy tools to address adaptation issues do exist within the broader
policy context, especially in respect of achieving the goals of poverty reduction and
sustainable development. Besides, the process of preparing the National Adaptation
Programme of Action (NAPA) has helped raise awareness and create the ground-
work for future consideration of adaptation in development planning20
This section describes some of the policy and legislative tools in effect in
Eritrea that might be of relevance to adaptation."
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Adaptation policy and planning
There is currently no specific policy or planning tool on adaptation that specifi-
cally relates to or deals with the adverse impacts of climate change in Eritrea.
There are, however, a number of tools on poverty reduction, sustainable devel-
opment and environmental protection and promotion that could be useful for
future development of adaptation-related policy and planning instruments.
The Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRS) (2004) outlines the
country's macro-economic framework and sets out actions to create the con-
ditions for resuming rapid economic growth, and policies and programmes
for poverty reduction." The Eritrean Macro-Policy (1994) articulates sectoral
priorities for the country and underlines that environmental considerations be
factored in developmental plans." The National Environmental Management
Plan for Eritrea of 1995 (HEMP-E);24 the Eritrean National Code of Conduct for
Environmental Security (1995) (ENCCES);" the National Biodiversity Strategy
and Action Plan (1998) (NBSAP);" the National Environmental Assessment
Procedures and Guidelines (1999) (NEAPG);" the Environmental Assessment
Procedures and Guidelines for Agricultural Projects (2005) (EAPGAP);" and
the Draft National Coastal Policy (2006);" all articulate the need for sustainable
development as a national goal.
The National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA)" process in
Eritrea culminated, in 2007, in a document identifying and prioritising po-
tential adaptation projects for each vulnerable sector." The NAPA document
also contains a seven-page annex setting out coping strategies and potential
adaptation projects identified by stakeholders to the NAPA process (Annex
1) as well as project profiles (Annex II). The NAPA document describes key
climatic hazards," vulnerability," national goals, plans and frameworks," and
barriers to the implementation of the NAPA results." The latter is especially
worth highlighting. The NAPA document sets forth the following as the major
barriers to the proper implementation of NAPA results: lack of coordination in
the implementation of projects and Multilateral Environmental Agreements
(MEAs) (overlaps and duplication in mandates); chronic shortage of human
resources and skills essential for the implementation of potential adaptation
initiatives; policy gaps (lack of regional and sectoral policies); regulatory voids
(absence of umbrella environmental coordination legislation and critical
sectoral regulations, for example, on water); and funding (both national and
international)."
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Despite the existence of a number of tools on sustainable development and
environmental conservation, the NAPA document shows that a lot remains to be
done in terms of policy and planning for adaptation to adverse impacts of climate
change. This is even truer when considering the appraisal in the NAPA policy
that the country is extremely vulnerable to climate variability and change."
Adaptation sensitive legislation
Currently, no legislation that deals with adaptation exists. As with the policy
description in the preceding sub-section, there are, however, numerous sectoral
statutes in various areas of concern that could be relevant to the future develop-
ment of adaptation•related legislation.
Proclamation to Determine the Structure, Powers and Functions of the
Government of Eritrea (1993); Proclamation To Determine the Powers and
Functions of Ministries, Authorities and Offices of the Government of Eritrea
(1991); and Proclamation for the Establishment of Regional Administration
(1996); all govern the organisation of the government, especially those depart-
ments that deal with environmental and developmental issues, such as the
Ministry of Environment, Land and Water and the Ministry of Agriculture
and Finance. One of the biggest problems in environmental governance in the
country in general is the absence of coordination between and among govern-
ment agencies. While there are numerous sectoral statutes dealing with natural
resources and the environment," there is as yet no Framework Environmental
Proclamation or a similar statute in Eritrea that coordinates sectoral activities
and initiatives on the environment. This is considered a significant impediment
to integrated, coordinated and aligned environmental governance. The latter
concern is also considered a significant bottleneck in planning for adaptation to
climate change and variability in Eritrea."
Adaptation mainstreaming
As identified in the NAPA document'• a major bottleneck in the laws listed
above is the absence of coordination. A cursory review of the relevant statutes
dealing with government structure, powers and functions in Eritrea,fi reveals
that these laws have failed to keep abreast of the myriad institutional changes
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that have taken place since the country's formal independence in 1993.42 This,
in part, has led to lack of clarity in respect of governance mandates and a result-
ant duplication and inefficiency in functions. In practice, a sense of needless
competition between some government agencies is also apparent. The absence
of an environmental coordination proclamation, also noted in the NAPA docu-
ment, is a significant void. Efforts are currently underway to revive the Draft
Environmental Proclamation (2002) and it is expected that promulgation of a
framework environmental proclamation will address most outstanding issues
related to coordination of environmental activities in the country."
The need to integrate adaptation into the country's development policy
making and planning goals cannot be overemphasised. The fact that climate
change issues are gaining visibility should be used not only as an opportunity
to coordinate environmental activities, but also to ensure that policy and in-
stitutional coordination is done at more powerful organs of state, namely the
Office of the President."
Application of climate data, scientific tools and methods
Science-based adaptation decision-making and proper usage of climate data,
tools and methods would arguably help facilitate integration of adaptation
in development programmes and minimise the potential for maladaptation.
Analysis of data and application of these tools and methods is bound to be
technology-intensive and often requires specific application skills." By pre-
scribing the requirement of impact assessments in the context of integrated
environmental planning and management, NEMPE44 also highlights the need
for science-based environmental management.
The reality, however, is that the level of science and technology in Eritrea
is extremely low. Science and technology policy development should be con-
sidered in light of the country's 'institutes for setting standards, for the pro-
curement and use of ICT (information and communication technology) ...
indigenous ICT production capacity ... Digital telecommunication services ...
computer support services, institutes of research and training.'" The country
has a very under developed science and technology infrastructure, low internet
connectivity, and weak human and institutional resources, which would also
include meteorological services. In addition, awareness with regard to climate
variability and change and its impacts on Eritrea is low. Against this backdrop,
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ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
application of some climate tools and accessing and utilisation of climate data
for efficient science-based adaptation decision-making will be among some
of the most significant challenges for Eritrea. The challenges are even more
glaring when the issues of cost for the use of intellectual property connected
to the tools applicable for adaptation-related assessments and decision making
is taken into account. In this regard, it could be argued that access to tools and
methods on adaptation might be linked to national laws on intellectual property
protection and transfer of technology matters (for example, through licensing
procedures)..
The constitution and some policy and regulatory tools do give credence to the
need to promote science and technology. A cursory review of the policy and legal
instruments reveals that all major national instruments, including the Eritrean
constitution," the Macro Policy (1994)," as well as a number of other sectoral
laws, provide an enabling environment for promotion, transfer and use of science
and technology? Article 9(3) of the Constitution of Eritrea, for example, charges
the state with the responsibility to 'promote the development of art, science, tech-
nology', further adding that the 'state shall create an enabling environment for
individuals to work in an atmosphere of freedom and to manifest their creativity
and innovation'." This could be interpreted as an allusion to some normative
framework that not only encourages innovations and creations, but also safe-
guards the same." Further, the prevalent intellectual property-related stipula-
tions" (such as patents, trade secrets, and trademarks) are to be found in other
national laws. These indude: the Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea (1960); the
Transitional Commercial Code of Eritrea (1960); the Transitional Penal Code of
Eritrea (1957); and, to a certain measure, the Investment Proclamation (1994),"
as well as the new Labour Code of Eritrea (2000)."
Currently, there is no single law specifically dealing with patents in Eritrea."
The regulatory framework for industrial property, if at all, could be character-
ised as deficient. Special industrial property laws have not been issued and a na-
tional industrial property office is yet to be created. Tools that would normally
qualify for industrial property protection might therefore not enjoy the same
protection under the existing national regime for IPRs.
That said, some tools and methods might be subject to protection under
copyright laws. In Eritrea, copyright is governed by the Transitional Civil Code
of Eritrea (1960) (articles 1647-1674). Under Article 1647 (1), the author of 'a
work of the mind'," has an incorporeal right of ownership. Such 'works of the
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mind' are categorised into different groupings, namely: literary works; musical
compositions with or without text; works of figurative arts; illustrations, maps
and related works. The list is but illustrative and not exhaustive, as could be de-
ciphered from the catchall phrase employed in the relevant code stipulation."
This is in keeping with the 1886 Berne Convention on Copyrights." The flex-
ibility offered by this provision could therefore be invoked to protect some tools
and methods (such as software) and databases of climatic information.
Implications for other African LDCs
A review of NAPA-related documents of African LDCs would reveal that the
need for adaptation mainstreaming and capacity building in use and applica-
tion of climate data, tools and methods is not unique to Eritrea." Both issues
are vital to all African LDCs, given their vulnerability to climate change and
variability and low adaptive capacity.
As noted earlier, the long-term cooperative action envisaged under the Bali
Action Plan (2007)61 in the areas of transfer of technology and finance, offers
some hope to adaptation efforts of all LDCs. It is possible that a sound regime for
capacity building, technology transfer and financial mechanisms could evolve
from the ongoing UNFCCC process and this could positively aid adaptation
efforts of all African LDCs. The process, however, has been extremely slow."
The same is true with respect to developments in technology transfer schemes
and operationalisation of the same." With regard to the latter, it is remarkable
that access to relevant climate data" and application of tools and methods are
not being properly emphasised, not even as 'soft' technologies, which include
'capacity building, information networks, training and research'." Science-
based decision-making in adaptation is arguably the only sound approach to
adaptation in Africa." Capacity constraints in the proper use of climate data
and the necessary tools could therefore thwart adaptation efforts.
African LDCs will likely face overwhelming challenges in pushing forward
the UNFCCC agenda on financial mechanisms and technology transfer.
Capacity constraints (in terms of negotiation skills and political leverage) will
also play an adverse role in this respect. This challenge could, however, be
turned into an opportunity. The NAPA process has identified numerous local
coping strategies, a reference to indigenous adaptation know-how and a data-
base has already been created by the UNFCCC Secretariat for easy access of the
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ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
same. These strategies could be shared and could serve as a base for intra• and
interregional cooperation on adaptation.
CONCLUSION
The Eritrean case study is illustrative of the challenges some African LDCs
face in mainstreaming climate change adaptation into their development pro-
grammes and planning. The NAPA documents' description of implementation
barriers attests to the vital need for effective institutional policy and legal coor-
dination. In the Eritrean context, the first order of business should be to review
and promulgate the Draft Environmental (coordination) Proclamation, which is
already long overdue. The fact that adaptation to climate variability and change
issues are gaining visibility at national, regional, national, and even local and
city levels, ought to be used as an opportunity to reinvigorate the process and
to carefully consider institutional, policy and planning linkages. Given the state
of institutional affairs in the country, involvement of the Office of the President
and Ministry of Finance is something that ought to be seriously considered.
Adaptation mainstreaming will likely be an ongoing process and the use of sci-
ence-based decision-making should be given due strategic importance. In this
regard, in-depth study of the utility and efficacy, as well as the international and
national proprietary regimes on use of the necessary tools and methods will be
essential. The latter raises issues that are perhaps pertinent to all African LDCs
and efforts should be made to study and constructively engage in the interna-
tional UNFCCC process on adaptation financing and technology transfer.° As
a parallel effort, significantly more investigations need to be conducted on local
coping strategies, including those that have already been identified through
the NAPA process, as well as those identified by other LDCs with the view to
seeking ways of building synergies.
NOTES
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 9 May 1982, 1771 UNTS 107,165;
S. Treaty Doc No. 102-38 (1992); UN Doc A/AC.237/18 (Part II)/Add.1; 31 ILM 849 (1992).
2
See IPCC, Summary for policymakers, in the Synthesis Report of the 1PCC Fourth Assessment
Report (2007), 14, http:ftwww.ipcc.chtpdf/assessment-report/ar4fsyriar4_syr_spm.pif (acces-
sed 7 March 2009).
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3
IPCC, The Fourth Assessment Report of the 1PCC, Climate Change. 2007.
1
See UNFCCC, Background paper on impacts, vulnerability and adaptation to climate change
in Africa, African Workshop on Adaptation: Implementation of Decision 1/CP.10 of the
UNFCCC Convention, Accra, Ghana, 21-23 September 2006, http://unfccc.int/files/adapta-
tion/adverse_effects_and_response_measures_art_18/applicationipdf/200609_background_
african_wkshp.pdf (accessed 12 March 2009). 'The African continent contains the poorest and
least developed nations of the world with low per capita GDP and life expectancy and high
infant mortality. Literacy is in the bottom quartile globally; there is a high dependence on the
natural resource base: weak governance structures: and a low capacity within African govern-
ments to respond proactively to changes. Armed conflict and terms of trade and aid depend-
ence further complicate matters. Africa has a predominantly tropical. hot and dry climate and
most of the population resides in the sub-humid and semi-arid zones.' See ibid. 33.
One recent study seeks to demonstrate the effect of a possible 2.5 degrees Celsius warming
and its effect on different regions of the world. It notes that Africa will be among the most
affected victims. (Eric A Posner and Cass R Sunstein, Climate change justice. Public Law
and Legal Theory Working Paper No 177. University of Chicago Law School. Chicago, 2007).
Accordingly, 'Damages of a 2.5 C Degree Warming As a Per tentage of GDP' are estimated
to be at India 1.93; Africa 3.91; OECD Europe 2.83: High income OPEC 1.95; Eastern Europe
0.71; Japan 0.50; United States OAS; China 0.22; Russia 0.65: http://www.law.uchicago.edu/
Laweconfindex.html (accessed 12 November 2008).
5
For information on past and present work on local coping strategies under the UNFCCC
process, as well as a general database on the same, see http:llmaindb.unfccc.intlpublicladapta-
tion! (accessed 12 March 2009).
6 Fatima Denton et al, Adapting to climate change in Africa: the role of research and capacity
development. 2008. http://wwwl.worldbank.orgiclevoutreach/ (accessed 7 March 2008).
7
Mamadou Moussa Diakhite, Mainstreaming adaptation to climate change into development
planning and activities (2007), working paper submitted to the Least Developed Countries
Expert Group (LEG) meetings on NAPA preparation and implementation. Bangkok, August
2007. The author submits that climate change issues be linked to government organs in charge
of planning and budgeting as opposed to departments dealing with environmental issues
only. Page 7: 'In 2005. the OECD conducted a survey on the ministries hosting the UNFCCC
national focal points, with a distribution as follows: environment 72%. foreign affairs 11%.
meteorology 8%, and other/unknown 6%. These results could be read as the justification of
more and more pressing calls to 'get climate change (and other MEA issues) out of the envi-
ronment corner' and rise to central ministries to give better opportunities to be considered at
the sharing of national budget resources.' Ibid.
8 M T J Kok (MNP). B Metz (MNP). A Verhagen (Plant Research International-Wageningen
University and Research Centre) and S N M van Rooijen (MNP/CAP-SD), Integrated de-
velopment and climate policies: how to realise benefits at national and international level
(Policy Brief) Environmental Assessment Agency (MNP), 2006. 2. The brief states that such
82
EFTA01090183
integration would bring along the 'demonstrated' benefits of reduced poverty, more employ-
ment. improvements in health. energy and food security and infrastructure as well as climate
benefits. Ibid.
9
bowing et al, Adapting to climate change in Africa, Journal of Mitigation and Adaptation
Strategies for Global Change, 2(l) (1997) Kluwer Academic Publishers. `The intersection of
present vulnerability and the prospect of climate change in Africa warrants proactive action
now to reduce risk of large scale, adverse impacts. The process of planning adaptive strategies
requires a systematic evaluation of priorities and constraints, and the involvement of stake-
holders.' Ibid, I.
10 Methodology/approach is defined as 'a complete framework that prescribes an entire process
for the assessment of vulnerability and adaptation and offers a broad strategic approach. An
approach in some instances assembles certain methods and toolkits to support this process.'
Examples include. IPCC Technical guidelines (1994). NAPAs guidelines (2002), Adaptation
Policy Framework (2004). UNFCCC, Compendium on methods and tools to evaluate impacts
of and vulnerability and adaptation to, climate change, February 2008, 10, http://unfccc.int/
files/adaptation/nairobi_workprogramme/compendium_onmethodstoolstapplication/
pdf/20080307...compendium_m_t_complete.pdf (accessed 12 March 2008) The compendium
is a 228-page document and it contains tables with Description. Appropriate Use, Scope.
Key Output, Ease of Use, Training Required, Training Available. Computer Requirements.
Documentation. Applications. Contacts for Tools, Documentation. Technical Assistance.
Cost and References.
II Method is defined as'a set and sequence of steps or tasks that should be followed to accomplish
the task that represents a part of large framework. Method can be implemented through using
a number of tools. Examples include: methods for development and use of scenario data in the
vulnerability and adaptation assessment. e.g. those presented in the UNEP Handbook (1998)
and IPCC-TGCI A Guidelines on the Use of Scenario Data for Climate Impact and Adaptation
Assessment (1999).' Ibid..
12 Tool is defined as 'a means or instrument by which a specific task is accomplished. Examples
include: RCMs, impact models, decision tools (cost-benefit analysis, MCA. TEAM, ADM.
etc.). stakeholder tools (vulnerability indexes. Livelihood Sensitivity Exercise, etc.): Ibid.
13 Id. For a look into some of the tools that are being developed see http:llwww.weadapt.orgl
14 Some of these tools have IPRs attached to them. See supra note 9.
IS The Bali Action Plan, adopted by the Conference of the Parties (COP) as decision 1/CP.13,
focuses on four 'building blocks: adaptation, mitigation. technology transfer and deployment,
financing. For UNFCCC COP 13 Decisions and Resolutions, see http://unfccc.int/meetings/
cop_13fitems/4049.php (accessed 12 March 2009).
16 See ibid.
17 Government of Eritrea (GoE), National Adaptation Programme of Action. April 2007.1-4.
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090184
18 'The Constitution of Eritrea, Art 8/3.
19 Although ratified by a constituent assembly on 23 May 1997. the Constitution of Eritrea has
not been enforced in a court of law to date, pending restructuring of all government organs.
including the Judiciary. Per Art 19 of the Constitution. a supreme court is to be established
whose tasks will include interpretation of the Constitution;
Article 49 - The Supreme Court
I. The Supreme Court shall be the court of last resort; and shall be presided over
by the Chief Justice.
2. The Supreme Court shall have:
a) sole jurisdiction of interpreting this Constitution and the constitutionality
of any law enacted or any action taken by government;
b) sole jurisdiction of hearing and adjudicating upon charges against a
President who has been impeached by the National Assembly pursuant to
the provisions of Article 1I(6)(a) and (b) hereof: and
c) the power of hearing and adjudicating cases appealed from lower courts
pursuant to law.
3. The Supreme Court shall determine its internal organisation and operation.
1. The tenure and number of justices of the Supreme Court shall be determined by law.
20 'The experience gathered in developing the NAPA also lays important groundwork for long-
term climate change adaptation activities in Eritrea.' Statement by ?doges Wolde-Yohannes,
Climate Change Focal Point, Director General. Department of Environment, Ministry of
Land, Water and Environment, Asmara, Eritrea. See GoE supra note 17, v.
21 GoE, Eritrea First National Communication Under the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change, December 2001, 72-76.
22 Government of Eritrea, Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (l-PRSP). 2001, http://
www.itacasmara.esteri.ittitacasmaratital ianiside_menuldoc ument if I-PRSP%20Eritrea.pdf
(accessed 5 May 2001). Chapter II provides a comprehensive assessment of the poverty situation
to gain a clear understanding of the extent. depth and distribution of poverty and the underly-
ing causes and sources of vulnerability and the impact of the recent events (drought and border
war) on the incidence of poverty. Chapter IV outlines the main elements of Eritrea's Interim
Poverty Reduction Strategy, built on four pillars: '(I) Reinvigorating economic growth; (2)
Creating income earning opportunities for the poor, (3) Enhancing access to and utilisation of
essential services for human development: and (1) Promote active participation of the people
in the political. economic and social aspects of nation building by putting in place an enabling
environment and strengthening the institutional capacity. Attention is given to supporting poli-
cies and priority investment programs and institutional capability designed to directly assist the
poor, including meeting targets and MDGs for selected national goals.' See ibid.
23 The Macro Policy requires that 'proper attention"be given to potential environmental conse-
quences of investment decisions. I bid, Item 6.10.
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EFTA01090185
ROSE MWERAZA AND LOUIS j KOTZE
21 The NEMP-E addresses major environmental issues and sets out possible policy chokes,
alternatives and order of priorities. The plan proposes a specific institutional structure for
its implementation. envisaging the creation of an Eritrean Agency for the Environment. On
climate change, it mentions that Eritrea intends to do 'everything possible to implement the
provisions of the UNFCCC'. On energy, the following policy statements are articulated: 'Fuel
wood substitution for domestic energy needs; Encouragement of energy conservation meas-
ures; Promotion of alternative transport systems to conserve energy and protect the environ-
ment. Encouragement of new and renewable energy systems: Promotion of geothermal energy:
Promotion of small scale hydro-systems; Promotion of briquetting and bio-gasification and
Capacity building to improve environmental management in the energy sector.'
25 The ENCCES sets out a series of commitments towards sustainable development of natural re-
sources, sustainable management of wastes and cooperation on environmental matters, both
at the regional and global levels.
26 The NBSAP documents what is currently known about biodiversity distribution at national
level (NBSAP: 7-20); gives an overview of the status of legislation and other similar instru-
ments dealing with biodiversity (NBSAP: 25-27); furnishes the principal components of the
strategy; and describes. among other things, the principal activities which are considered to
be essential elements of an effective biodiversity conservation and sustainable use in Eritrea.
27 The NEAPG outline national environmental impact assessment guidelines.
28 The EAPGAP outline specific sectoral environmental impact assessment guidelines. A similar
draft also exists for road constructions.
29 The Draft Coastal Policy has the following objectives: a) The sustainable use of the coast for
any development including but not limited to housing. tourism, recreation. ocean access.
maritime industry, commercial and any other activities in appropriately designated areas; b)
The location of coastal facilities and development that takes into account coastal processes
including erosion, accretion, storm surge. tides. wave conditions, sea level change and bio-
physical criteria: c) The protection of public foreshore areas (setback) and public access to the
coast including islands: d) The protection. conservation and enhancement of assets such as
landscape, natural resources or indigenous and cultural values (Item 4).
30 See supra note 17
31 Id. Ranked set of adaptation projects in six sectors (22 projects out of 102 adoption projects
in 7 sectors) namely Agriculture, Livestock. Forestry. Water Resources. Marine and Coastal
Zones, and Public Health were identified.
32 Ibid. 5.
33 Ibid, 5.
34 Ibid. 7-8.
35 Ibid, 9.
MONOGRAPH 167
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36 See ibid.
37 See supra note 17 and the accompanying text.
38 The Fisheries Proclamation (1998); Tourism Proclamation, Proclamation (2006);
Proclamation to Establish the Massawa and Assab Ports Authority (2005); Eritrean Free
Zones Proclamation (2001); Revised Proclamation to Govern Petroleum Operations (2000):
Revised Proclamation to Provide for the Payment of Income Tax on Petroleum Operations
(2000); Electricity Proclamation (2004); Eritrean Electric Corporation Establishment
Proclamation (2004); Proclamation to Reform the Land Tenure in Eritrea, to Determine the
Manner of Exploiting Land and for Purposes of Development and National Reconstruction
and to Determine the Powers and Duties of the Land Commission (1994); Regulations for
the Distribution and Administration of Land (1997); Forestry and Wildlife Conservation
and Development Proclamation (2006); Regulations for the Issuance of Forestry Permits
(2006); and Regulations (or the Issuance of Wildlife Permits (2006). Also important are
the Draft Environmental Proclamation of Eritrea (2002): Draft Integrated Coastal Area
Proclamation (2007): Draft Proclamation for the Establishment of the Coastal Authority
(2007): Draft CITES Implementing Legislation (2005): Draft Integrated Water Resources
Management Proclamation (2007). These pieces of legislation are expected to be adopted in
the near future.
39 See supra note 36 and the accompanying text.
.40 See supra note 17.
41 See supra note 33 and the accompanying text.
42 Eritrea was born as a new state in 1991, with basic departments. Following its formal inde-
pendence in 1993 after a UN-Sponsored referendum, various ministries and institutions
have been evolving. For relevant legislations on past and present institutional make up of the
current government, see Proclamation to Determine the Structure, Powers and Functions of
the Government of Eritrea 37 of 1993; Regulations to Determine the Powers and Functions
of Ministries, Authorities and Offices of the Government of Eritrea. Legal Notice No. 14 of
1993, and Regulations to Determine the Powers and Functions of Ministries, Authorities and
Offices of the Government of Eritrea, Legal Notice No.16 of 1994.
43 See Ibid.
44 See supra note S. Kiribati, often mentioned as a good case study in adaptation mainstream-
ing. has elevated the mandate of coordination of adaptation activities(formerly with in the
Ministry of Planning and Finance) to the Office of the Prime Minister.
45 See supra notes 9-12 and accompanying text.
46 Ibid.
47 Kifleyesus Andemariam, Information technology policy & management in developing coun-
tries: the case of Eritrea, dissertation. University of Groningen, 1999.240.
86
EFTA01090187
18 Art 913 of the Constitution provides that 'The State shall promote the development of the arts,
science. technology and sports and shall create an enabling environment for individuals to
work in an atmosphere of freedom and to manifest their creativity and innovation;
19 Item 6,t6 Macro Policy of the State of Eritrea (1991). Accordingly one of the main goals of the
macro-economy is to 'keep Eritrea abreast of developments in production, transport and
service technologies in order to assure an upgraded and modern economic system that is
competitive in the world.' The Policy aspires to promote %he transfer of up-to-date technology
that would assure competitive edge to Eritrean Produce'. See Id. The development of high-tech
telecommunication technologies is also equally accentuated. The document further calls for
the establishment of a national institution to gather information about existing and emergent
technologies worldwide. evaluate their appropriateness for Eritrean conditions. and make this
fund of knowledge available to the public and private sectors. The purpose is to regulate the
process of technology transfer and prevent suppliers of technology, be they nations or corpo-
rations, from exerting undue influence on the selection of particular technologies imported to
Eritrea. Ibid.
50 These include Proclamation to Provide for the Establishment of an Eritrean Information
Systems Agency (1994): Communication Proclamation (2000): Eritrean Science and
Technology Development Agency Establishment Proclamation (2002): and Eritrea
Telecommunication Services Corporation Proclamation (2003). The Transitional Eritrean
Civil Code (1960): Transitional Eritrea Penal Code (1957); and the Transitional Eritrean
Commercial Code (1960) have some application for sser matters (for example. regulation of
intellectual property).
51 Art 9/3 The Constitution of Eritrea (1997).
52 See also Art 21(4), ibid, which charges the state with the task of laying the requisite ground-
work for the development of arts. science, technology and sports as well as encouraging
popular participation in the same.
53 Industrial property is a term. which covers patents, utility models, industrial designs, trade-
marks. service marks, trade names. indication of sources or appellations of origin and the
repression of unfair competition. Almost all of the components of industrial property are
addressed in a lump sum in the 1960 Eritrean Transitional Commercial Code, but for trade-
marks and trade names for which a separate section is devoted. As far as trade secrets are
concerned, however, there are no customised provisions addressing the same although. by the
power of reasoning, one could make the argument that some provisions of the Transitional
Commercial Code are so broad that trade secrets could be read into them. Although a separate
patent legislation is envisaged under the Transitional Commercial Code (1960), this has not
yet seen the light.
51 The relevant provisions in this proclamation are designed. as a matter of legislative and policy
choice, to assure investors that their intellectual property rights will be safeguarded in return
for their reciprocal duties of, inter alia. transferring technology.
MONOGRAPH 167
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55 The relevant provisions in this proclamation are worded to serve in the context of an employ-
er-employee relationship to ensure equitability in the apportionment of rights between the
two parties to an employment contract.
56 In the past the protection of intellectual property was left for a subsidiary legislation. See
Article 14812 of the Transitional Commercial Code of Eritrea (1960) according to which a
patent legislation is said to be enacted in a future date. (The intended legislation has not as yet
been promulgated.)
57 The Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea (1960) does not use the term 'copyright in the whole
body of Title XI of the code in reference to copyrightable works. Yet the term 'works of the
mind' appears to be broader than 'copyrights' as the former can represent not only copyright-
able works but also other intellectual works such as patents (especially design patents] and
trademarks. These other areas of intellectual property might as well overlap with copyrights
and this, however unintentional/intentional work of draftsmanship. is arguably praiseworthy
especially granted that, as will be indicated later. there is essentially little legal protection in
the industrial property rights in the country. Yet thorough reading of the subsequent provi-
sions testifies to the fact that as a matter of fact what was intended to be covered is actually
copyrightable works. In this connection the heading of the relevant section of the code also
reads 'Literary and Artistic Works'. suggesting more emphasis and drafter's intention on
copyrightable works in the confined sense of the term.
58 The exact terminology employed by the code reads: 'and any other works created by the intel-
ligence of their author and presenting an original character.' See Art 1648 (e) TCCE (1960).
59 Art 2 (1) Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Rights, 9 September 1886.
as last revised at Paris, 24 July 1971, 828 U.N.T.S. 221.
60 NAPA project profiles of most all African LDCs state that resource problems will undermine
adaptation efforts. e.g. Uganda, Sierra Leone, Lesotho. Central African Republic. The NAPA
documents also place importance on adaptation mainstreaming.
61 See supra note 14 and the accompanying text.
62 In Poznan COP 14. the need for making adequate and predictable resources was highlighted.
(FCCC/SBI/2008/L.21/Add.1) As it stands, LDC fund is a voluntary arrangement and the
amount of contributions thus far made to the fund for implementation of NAPAs is USS172
million (ENB 2008 PP 3 quoting 581 conclusions (FCCC/SBI/2008/1-.21)). Needless to say, this
contribution will not meet the cosu of project profiles of African LDCs. By way of illustration,
Eritrea has a request for 33 149 000 for implementation of its NAPA-ranked project profiles out
of 102 adaptation projects that need to be implemented. The implementation phase of NAPAs
has yet to move forward. and ensuring sustainability and adequacy of the fund is something
the continent has to persistently fight for within the ongoing UNFCCC process.
63 COP 14 has adopted decisions on capacity building and transfer of technology. With regards
to the latter its decision. among other things, has endorsed a 'Poznan strategic programme on
technology transfer. See FCCCJSBI/2008/1.82.
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ROSE MWERAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
64 It is to be noted that even downscaled climate data on some African regions now exists (see
weAdapt.com). Still, this row data has to be interpreted using relevant tools and methods for
it to be a wealth of knowledge that could be employed in the design of adaptation pathways.
strategies and policies.
65 Cameron Hutchison, Does TRIPS facilitate or impede climate change technology transfer into
developing countries? University of Ottawa Law and Technology Journal 3(2) (2006), 520, Note 4.
66 See Stockholm Environment Institute, Policy brief effective use of climate science to improve
adaptation in Africa, May 2008. httpdtwikiadapt.orgfindex.php?title.Effective_use_of
climate_science_to_improve_adaptation_in_Africa (accessed 5 May 2009).
67 See supra notes 14-15 and the accompanying texts.
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Diakhite, Mamadou Moussa. Mainstreaming adaptation to climate change into development
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Dowing et al. Adapting to climatechange in Africa. Journal of Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies
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GoE, Eritrea First National Communication under the United Nations Framework Convention on
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GoE, Eritrean National Code of Conduct for Environmental Security. 1995.
GoE, Interim Report Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, 2004.
GoE, Draft National Coastal Policy. 2006.
GoE, Macro Policy of the State of Eritrea, 1994.
GoE, Ministry of Agriculture. Draft Environmental Assessment Procedures and Guidelines for
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GoE, Ministry of Health. Environmental Health Policy and Guidelines, 1998.
GoE, National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA), April 2007.
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GoE, National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan. 1998.
GoE, National Environmental Assessment Procedures and Guidelines. Eritrea, 1999.
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opment and climate policies: how to realise benefits at national and international level (Policy
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UNFCCC Convention, Accra, Ghana, 21-23 September 2006, http://unfccc.intifiles/
adaptation/adverse effects and response measures art 481application/pdf
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complete.pdf/200609_badcground_african_wIcshp.pdf (accessed March 2009).
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COP CP/13 http://unfccc.int/meetings/cop_13/items/4049.php (accessed March 2009).
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itacasmara.esterLit/itacasmarafitalian/side_menu/documenti/I-PRSP9620Eritrea.pdf
Open-source sample of tools: http://www.weadapt.org/ (accessed March 2008).
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GoE, The Constitution of Eritrea, 1997.
GoE, Draft Environmental Proclamation of Eritrea. 2002.
GoE, Draft Integrated Coastal Area Management (ICAM) Proclamation, 2007.
GoE, Draft Proclamation to Establish the Eritrean Coastal Authority. 2007.
GoE, Draft Water Resources Proclamation, 2007.
GoE, Electricity Proclamation: Proclamation No. 141/2004. The Eritrean Electric Corporation
Establishment Proclamation: Proclamation No. 142/2004.
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GoE, The Eritrean Free Zones Proclamation: No. 11512001.
GoE, The Fisheries Proclamation: Proclamation No. 10411998.
GoE, Forestry and Wildlife Conservation and Development Proclamation, No 115/2006.
GoE, The Land Transfer Proclamation: Proclamation No. 11112000.
GoE, Legal Notice No.14/1993. To Determine the Powers and Functions of Ministries. Authorities
and Offices of the Government of Eritrea.
GoE, Proclamation No. 111991. as amended by Proclamation No. 25/1992 and Proclamation No.
13312003. A Proclamation to Determine the Powers and Functions of the Ministry of Justice
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111991
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Functions of the Government of Eritrea.
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148/2005. The Eritrean Port Regulations: Legal Notice No. 10312005.
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Proclamation No.95/1997.
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Land and for Purposes of Development and National Reconstruction and to Determine The
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MONOGRAM lea
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EFTA01090193
Policy, legislative and
regulatory challenges in
promoting renewable
energy in Nigeria
MUI JAMMED TAWFIQ_LADAN
ABSTRACT
Energy is essential for development. No developing society can hope to
achieve economic sustainability without adequate energy supplies. Virtually
every aspect of economic and social activity demands energy. The unavail-
ability of modern forms of energy to some two billion of the world's popula-
tion, and inadequate supplies to an estimated additional two billion people,
is a major challenge to the achievement of the poverty, gender and health ob-
jectives of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals and the Plan
of Implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable Development. At the
same time, energy generation using fossil fuels is the principal source of green-
house gas emissions that cause global warming. The mining and processing of
fossil fuels can also endanger the lives of miners, cause severe land disruption
and pollute land, air and waters. Furthermore, burning fossil fuels emits ni-
trogen and sulphuric oxides that are themselves toxic and are the precursors of
urban smog and acid rain, while coal burning power stations are responsible
for mercury emissions that bio•accumulate in ecosystems, presenting a threat
to human health as well as the environment. Providing the energy essential for
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090194
development while minimising environmental hazards is one of the principal
challenges in the 21' century. Energy efficiency offers perhaps the greatest
potential to greatly reduce the amount of polluting energy needed to achieve
current and future development targets. By eliminating waste, efficiency can
often be accomplished at a profit or with a very short payback period of a year
or two. Renewable energy, in the form of energy produced from solar, wind,
sustainably managed hydro, geothermal and biomass resources, offers the
potential to significantly displace the need for polluting fuels. These renew-
able resources are emphasised in the Plan of Implementation of the World
Summit on Sustainable Development. This chapter therefore contends that,
while much has been written about the science, technology and policies for
promoting energy efficiency and renewable energy, little has been written
about the legislative and regulatory options necessary to implement these
technologies and policies that make a reality in practice. By promoting clean
and efficient energy use at the legislative and regulatory levels, governments
can ensure that all stakeholders have the opportunity and incentives to adopt
new practices that will help to mitigate climate change and reduce pollution
while keeping on the path of economic and social development. It is against
this background that this chapter seeks to realise the following objectives:
■ To underscore the importance of efficient and renewable energy to produce
electricity for the mitigation of climate change and sustainable development
in Nigeria
■ To provide an overview of the policy, legislative and regulatory measures
available to promote energy efficiency and renewable energy in Nigeria
■ To highlight the challenges and strategies to overcome the barriers to use
and regulation of renewable and efficient energy for electricity in Nigeria
INTRODUCTION
Nigeria's indigenous energy resource development reveals that the country's oil
reserves (the sixth•largest in the world) were put at 34 billion barrels for 2004
and 40 billion barrels by 2010, resulting in an effective growth rate of 2,746 per
cent per annum. At this growth rate, the reserves will reach 68,7 billion barrels
by 2030, double the 2004 value. Intense exploration activities are taking place
in the offshore fields from the Niger Delta, while the potential of the inland
94
EFTA01090195
ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
Benue and Chad Basins is yet to be exploited. By 2000, 53,5 per cent of natural
gas reserves of 159 trillion square cubic feet (ninth•largest in the world) were
associated gas. While the associated gas reserves will increase with oil reserves,
there will be increasing activities in exploration for gas only. Corresponding
substantial endowments of bitumen (31 billion barrels of oil equivalent and
second•largest in the world), coal, hydropower and solar energy, as well as plans
for their development, also exist.'
Energy is essential for development. No developing society can hope to
achieve economic sustainability without adequate energy supplies. •This is
so because virtually every aspect of economic and social activity demands
energy. The unavailability of modern forms of energy to some two billion of
the world's population, and inadequate supplies to an estimated additional
two billion people, is a major challenge to the achievement of the poverty,
gender and health objectives of the United Nations Millennium Development
Goals and the Plan of Implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable
Development. At the same time, energy generation using fossil fuels is the
principal source of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions that are causing global
warming. The mining and processing of fossil fuels can also endanger the
lives of miners, cause severe land disruption and pollute land, air and water.
Furthermore, burning fossil fuels emits nitrogen and sulphuric oxides that
are themselves toxic and are the precursors to urban smog and acid rain,
while coal burning power stations are responsible for mercury emissions that
bio accumulate in ecosystems, presenting a threat to human health as well as
the environment.
Providing the energy essential for development, while minimising environ•
mental hazards, is one of the principal challenges in the 21" century. Energy
efficiency offers perhaps the greatest potential to greatly reduce the amount of
polluting energy needed to achieve current and future development targets.
By eliminating waste, efficiency can often be accomplished at a profit or with
a very short payback period of a year or two. Renewable energy, in the form
of energy produced from solar, wind, sustainable managed hydro, geothermal
and biomass resources, offers the potential to significantly displace the need
for polluting fuels. •These renewable resources are emphasised in the Plan of
Implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable Development.
This chapter therefore contends that, while much has been written about
the science, technology and policies for promoting energy efficiency and
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090196
renewable energy, little has been written about the legislative and regulatory
options necessary to implement these technologies and policies. By promot-
ing clean and efficient energy use at the legislative and regulatory levels, gov-
ernments can ensure that all stakeholders have the opportunity and incentive
to adopt new practices that will help to mitigate climate change' and reduce
pollution, while keeping on the path of economic and social development.
It is against this background that this chapter seeks to realise the following
objectives:
■ To underscore the importance of efficient and renewable energy to produce
electricity for the mitigation of climate change and sustainable development
in Nigeria'
■ To provide an overview of the policy, legislative and regulatory measures
available to promote energy efficiency and renewable energy in Nigeria
■ To highlight the challenges and strategies to overcome the barriers to use
and regulation of renewable and efficient energy for electricity in Nigeria
For Nigerians, the quest for an uninterrupted electric power supply has been
a long story of dashed hopes and expectations. Despite the promises made
by successive administrations to prioritise the provision of efficient and re-
newable energy to produce adequate electricity for sustainable development,
Nigerians have continued to experience erratic electric power supply for their
different needs.'
Energy needs for different economic
activities in rural areas of Nigerian
The end•use energy requirements for different economic activities in the rural
areas of Nigeria are illustrated in Table I.:
Table 2 reveals the national energy consumption pattern as reported by a
recent National Energy Study for the industrialisation of Nigeria (2006-2030);
which took into consideration the thinking of government in terms of the
overall economy and the energy sector.
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EFTA01090197
Table 1 Economic activities and energy requirements in the rural areas'
S/N
ACTIVITY
USE
IY:i'
1.
Agro-processing
Flour grinding
Oil expelling
drying
Threshing
1-2
2-5
-
-
2.
Small-scale industry
Saw milling
WOW and cotton
processing
Stone crushing
10-30
5-25
5-25
I.
Household
Lighting
Refrigeration
Cooking
Water pumping
Ironing
Radio/TV
0.2
03
OA (heat storage cooker)
0.5-1
0.5
0.1-0.3
Implications of climate change for the energy
and industrial sectors of Nigeria'
Climate change, and more specifically the carbon emissions from energy produc-
tion and use, is one of the most troubling problems facing society today. Climate
change engages the energy sector particularly closely because energy is central
both to the problem and to its solution. Hydropower generation is the energy
source most likely to be affected by climate change. It is sensitive to the amount,
timing, and geographical pattern of precipitation, as well as temperature. There
is the potential for more intense rainfall events (which would require more con-
servative water storage strategies to prevent flood damage), greater probability of
drought (less hydroelectric production), and less precipitation (less water avail-
able during warm months), all of which point to less hydroelectric capacity at
current powerhouses.
Two categories of industries were identified as being vulnerable to climate
change: (1) industries with activities that are dependent on climate (construc-
tion; transportation operations and infrastructure; energy transportation and
transmission; offshore oil and gas production; thermal power generation; in-
dustries such as paper mills that depend heavily on water; pollution control;
coastal-sited industries; and tourism and recreation); and (2), sectors in which
MONOGRAPH 167
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Table 2 Summary of national energy consumption computations
for the household sector'
Fraction of households with air-conditioning
10,71%
Fraction of households with water heater
7,14%
(Gas)LPG Kerosene
Coal
Fuel wood Electricity.
%Households using an energy
type for cooking
12,50%
76,79%
1,79%
67,86%
7,14%
%Household using an energy type
for water heating
8,9396
848836
0
66,07%
25,00%
to Households using an energy
type tor lighting
0
87,50%
0
0
42,86%
For cooking (unit/household)
22,06
3479
2275,75
21,27
For water heating (unit/household)
3,47
7,86
785,61
132,66
For lighting (kg/household)
0
52,7
0
291,75
National consumption per yr
a
wM
For coolung (unit')
1,65x10,
6,59x10'
4.31x1C/0
4,03x109
For water heating (unit')
Z60x10'
1,49x10'
1,49x1C0
2,51x10I
For Lighting (unit')
9,98x10'
0
5,53x10'
For A/C (unit')
2,20x109
For Appliances (unit')
2,90x109
Total (unit')
1,91x10°
1,81x10'
2,03x10'
5,80x1010
1,35x10,0
National consumption (TOE)
For cooking (TOE)
178,63
548217,3
1.40x100'
4.83x104
89 811.29
560033,5
For water heating (TOE)
28,09
123 860,2
For lighting (TOE)
830358,9
0
1231697
Feral( conditioning (TOE)
0
0
490 974.6
For appl ences (TOE)
645 586.2
Total (TOE)
206,72
1 S02437
1,88x1010
3 018 102
' National units of the fuels are as follows: gas LPG (kg), kerosene (litre), coal (kg). fuel wood (kg),
electricity (KWh).
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EFTA01090199
economic activity is dependent on climate-sensitive resources (agro-industry,
biomass and other renewable energy production).
Brief overview of rural applications of
efficiency and renewable energy10
Due to a lack of access to modern electricity, rural populations resort to
burning large quantities of wood to satisfy their everyday energy needs. For
example, much of the cooking in developing countries is done on wood- or
coal-burning stoves. Use of wood requires women and children to spend
much of their time and energy collecting firewood. Using either wood or coal
for cooking in enclosed buildings exposes occupants, particularly women and
children, to highly concentrated health-damaging emissions and contributes
considerably to carbon dioxide and other pollutant emissions. Wood burning
also causes other forms of severe harm to the environment, including rapid
deforestation, followed by irreversible biodiversity loss. Alternatives to wood
burning for cooking, for example, include: fuel-efficient stoves that reduce
wood and coal consumption and polluting emissions; hybrid fuels that incor-
porate biomass waste and reduce the harmful effects of coal burning; biogas
units that yield gas from waste agricultural materials and improve sanita-
tion while providing fuel for cooking and lighting; use of improved build-
ing materials and passive solar construction that reduce heating needs; and
micro-hydropower and other renewable energy generators that provide clean
electricity to rural off-grid communities.
Nigerian initiatives in climate change mitigation
measures: efficient and renewable energy technologies
Climate change mitigation measures
National inventories to estimate the annual emissions of GHG have been
undertaken in Nigeria for three years (1988, 1990 and 1994) and have
been reviewed between 2001-2004," using frameworks provided by the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and other agencies.
An emissions profile by sector indicates that CO (carbon dioxide) emissions
have been dominated by the energy sector (for which gas-flaring, electricity
generation and transport sectors constitute the most significant sources), and
MONOGRAPH 167
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Tab,* 3 Summary of national emissions in Nigeria between 1988 and 1994
Gross emissions
M
aw
Year
1988
CO2
70 311
CH,
2723
N20
6,8
NOx
8965
NMVOC
1511,6
Energy
1990
99 514
567,7
5,8
264,3
887,4
1994
115 109
1463,0
7,5
499,3
1 864,4
Process Industries
1988
1 970
0,1
0,0
5,8
782
1990
2 171
9,6
0,5
134,6
1994
1 761
0,1
0,5
366,8
Solvent Use
1988
0
0,0
go
0,0
40,8
1990
1994
260
0,1
0,5
40
Agriculture
1988
0
506,7
0,0
0,0
0,0
1993
1711,0
12,6
134,9
1994
2344,2
4,1
148,0
LUG
1988
1040
159,2
1,0
18,1
4 011,8
1990
76040
18$
0,1
4,6
1994
75 542
18,5
0,1
4,6
Waste Management
1988
0
201,2
40
4,0
11,9
1990
425,7
0,0
0,1
1994
1 761
0,1
0,5
458,7
ll
Total
1988
73 300
1165,0
7,9
930,3
5698,0
1990
177 730
2733,0
18,6
404,4
1022.0
1994
192485
5930,7
12,0
658,3
2231,5
land•use change (with biomass harvests and forest conversion to managed
lands as principal sources, while annual forest growth remains the principal
sink or source of carbon removals).
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EFTA01090201
Table 4 Sectoral and gross carbon dioxide-equivalent emissions for the years 1988 to 1994
CO, - Equivalent Emissions (Gg
I
r Sector
Year
CO,
GWP=1
Clt,
GWP=21
Isl,
GWP=0270
Total
I
Energy
1988
70 311
5 719
1 847
77 877
1990
99514
11922
1 569
113 004
1994
115 108
30 723
2 030
147862
Process Industries
1988
1 970
1
0
1 971
1990
2 171
202
0
2373
1994
1 761
1
0
1 762
Solvent Use
1988
0
1990
1994
260
1
0
261
Agriculture
1988
0
10641
0
10 641
1990
0
35 931
3 402
39 333
1994
0
49 228
1 107
50 335
LUG
1988
1040
3 343
270
4653
1990
76040
389
35
76464
1994
75 542
389
35
75 966
Waste Management
1988
0
4 225
0
4225
1990
8940
35
8942
1994
1 761
1
0
11 762
Total
1988
73 300
24465
2 144
99 909 I
1990
177 730
57 393
5009
240132 I
1994
192485
124545
3 227
320 256
The actual results of the analysis of emissions inventories collected (Table
3 below) indicate that between 1988 and 1994 the gross annual emissions were
in the range of 178 to 192 Tg-CO, 2,7 to 5,9 Tg-CH , 11,95 to 18,55 Gg N 0, 13,3
NIONOGRAPI1 167
101
EFTA01090202
to 17,0 Tg CO, 404,3 to 658,3 Gg NO and to 1,0 to 2,2 Tg NMVOC. Inventories
by sector have, in addition, been undertaken in some industrial sub•sectors,
including agriculture. Results illustrated in Tables 3 and 4, below, indicate that
the energy sector still dominates the other sectors in its contribution to gross
national emissions.
It is recognised that currently available data have serious gaps and limitations.
Initiatives in efficient and renewable energy technologies"
Modern and efficient technologies have been used to develop and adopt devices
for the utilisation of renewable energy resources by the following Research
Centres of the Energy Commission of Nigeria: Centre for Energy Research
and Development, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-ife, Osun State; Centre for
Energy Research and Training, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna State;
National Centre for Energy Research and Development, University of Nigeria,
Nsukka, Enugu State; and Sokoto Energy Research Centre, Usman Dan-Fodio
University, Sokoto, Sokoto State. The centres at Ile-Ife and Zaria work on peace-
ful applications of nuclear science and technology, while those at Nsukka and
Sokoto work on solar energy and other renewable energy sources.
Raw materials used for some of these devices comprise of more than 90 per
cent local contents. Some of these appliances include
■ Solar crop dryers (such as the two-tonne capacity Rice Solar Dryer at Agbani,
Enugu State and two-tonne capacity Forage solar dryer at the National
Agricultural Production Research Institute, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria,
Kaduna State), which can be used to process agricultural products such as rice,
maize, pepper, tomatoes, cocoa, tea and coffee
■ Solar water heaters, for providing hot water in hotels and hospitals for bathing
and washing, such the 1 000-litre capacity solar water heater at the maternity
ward of Usman Dan•Fodio University Teaching Hospital, Sokoto, Sokoto State
■ Solar PV water pumping for clean potable water, such as the 7,2 kWp solar PV
plant at Kwalkwalama in Sokoto, the 2,85 kWp solar PV plant at the centre
for mentallrill Destitutes at Itumbuzo in Abia State and the 5 kWp solar PV
plant at Comprehensive Health Centre in Laje, Ondo State
■ Biogas plants for cooking gas and biofertiliser, such as the 20 m' biodigest-
er at Ifelodun Cooperative Farm at Agege, Lagos State, the 10 m' biogas
plant at Achara in Enugu State and the 30 m3 biogas plant at Zaria Prison
102
EFTA01090203
ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
in Kaduna State; and the 5 kWp wind power plant at Sayya Gidan Gada in
Sokoto State
■ The Energy Commission of Nigeria, the Power Holding Cooperation of
Nigeria and MTN-Nigeria are collaborating with the World Bank on a biofuel
for rural electrification project in Nigeria. The biofuel is to be sourced from the
Jatropha plant or any economically viable energy crop on a long-term basis.
Similarly, the Energy Commission of Nigeria signed another memorandum
of understanding with Green Shield of Nigeria (a registered nongovernmental
organisation (NGO) with diversified interest in alternative energy sources) to
produce biodiesel as a renewable energy for domestic and commercial uses in
Nigeria, using the Jatropha plant.
Policy goals for efficiency and renewable
energy decision-making
What policy goals can guide rural applications of efficiency and renewable energy
decision•making in developing countries?" While there is no single logarithm for
determining universally applicable policy goals that can guide rural applications
of efficiency and renewable energy decision•making, the policy goals need to con-
sider the following:
■ Promote rural applications of efficiency and renewable energy in all its
ramifications
■ Maintain fair, just and reasonable rates for rural electricity consumption
■ Ensure uninterrupted electricity to rural areas
■ Promote rural energy efficiency
■ Promote technological innovations and transfer of renewable energy tech-
nologies to rural communities (and to the people who would directly benefit
from their use)
■ Facilitate and encourage effective competition, education, training and
public participation
■ Improve people's lives and livelihoods
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090204
■ Meet goals of sustainable development, including obligations and norms as
per multilateral environmental agreements such as those for GHG emission
reductions
National Electric Power Policy, 200114
The overwhelming objective of the Electric Power Policy Statement is to ensure
that Nigeria has an electricity supply industry (ESI) that can meet the needs
of its citizens in the 21" century. This will require a fundamental reform at all
levels of the industry. A technically and commercially efficient ESI is critical for
achieving Nigeria's growth and development goals.
Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission1s
A privatised electricity industry, with competition over monopoly transmission
and distribution grids, requires an effective regulatory agency that is independ-
ent both of government and of all the companies operating in the industry.
This realisation saw the establishment of the Nigeria Electricity Regulatory
Commission. The objective of the electricity policy is ultimately to establish a
long-term electricity market structure in Nigeria in which multiple operators
provide services on a competitive basis to the broadest range of customers.
Under such a regime, competitive market forces would be the best determinant
of the appropriate and sustainable levels of prices charged by various carriers
for their services.
The Nigerian electricity fuel mix will, of course, continue to use and
expand the use of hydrogeneration and will continue to use some liquid fuels.
Nevertheless, natural gas (and the use of currently flared associated gas) repre-
sents the major likely fuel for the future expansion of generation. In addition, gas
powered electricity generation is the most obvious growth market for the com-
mercial development of gas markets and will be explored by the Independent
Power Projects (IPPs).
National Energy Policy, 200318
The overall energy policy objectives may be summarised as follows:
104
EFTA01090205
■ To ensure the development of the nation's energy resources, with diversi-
fied energy resource options, for the achievement of national energy secu-
rity and an energy delivery system with an optimal energy resource mix
■ To guarantee increased contribution of the energy sector to national income
and to productive activities
■ To guarantee adequate, sustainable and reliable supply of energy at appropri-
ate costs and in an environmentally friendly manner to the various sectors
of the economy for national development
The energy policy further recognises the fact that a substantial per centage of
Nigeria's urban poor and rural populace depend on fuel wood for cooking and
other domestic uses. The rate of consumption of fuel wood far exceeds the re-
plenishing rate, to such an extent that desert encroachment is now a serious
problem in the country. Also associated with this is soil erosion and loss of soil
fertility. Hence the policy states, among others, that: the nation shall promote
the use of alternative energy sources to fuel wood; the use of wood as a fuel shall
be de-emphasised in the nation's energy mix; and alternative energy sources to
fuel wood must be explored.
Nigeria policy goals: renewable and
efficient energy/rural electrification
In Nigeria, there is no national policy specifically dedicated to energy efficiency
and renewable energy or its applications to rural areas. There are, however, other
policy instruments on the environment and energy that may be relevant to sup-
porting such applications. The Nigerian National Policy on the Environment
provides that the goal of the policy is to achieve sustainable development in
Nigeria, and in particular to: secure environmental quality adequate for good
health and wellbeing; and to conserve and use the environment and natural
resources for the benefit of present and future generations. Strategies to achieve
this objective include:
■ Implementing a detailed environmental impact assessment (EIA) strategy
on all planned energy projects backed by detailed baseline ecological data
against which subsequent environmental changes and/or impacts can be
measured
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090206
■ Developing a rational National Energy Utilisation Master-Plan that balances
the need for conservation with the utilisation of premium energy resources
for premium socioeconomic needs
■ Encouraging the use of energy forms that are environmentally safe and sus-
tainable, particularly solar energy
■ Promoting and encouraging research into the development and use of
various locally available energy sources, especially non-conventional re-
sources such as geothermal, solar, wind and other complex forms of hydro-
carbons other than oil and coal
On rural electrification, the primary policy objective is to expand access as
rapidly as can be afforded in a cost-effective manner." The rural electrification
policy includes a full menu of options, namely, grid and off-grid, mini-grid, non
thermal and renewables, while ensuring close coordination of rural electrifica-
tion expansion with economic development objectives, and encouraging states,
local communities as well as the private sector, to develop and contribute finan-
cially to rural electrification.
Legislative and regulatory framework for rural
applications of energy efficiency and renewable energy
What legislative measures can best advance rural applications of energy ef-
ficiency and renewable energy in developing countries?" The legislative and
regulatory provisions for promotion and regulation of energy efficiency and
renewable energy for Nigeria are addressed below.
The 1999 Constitution of Nigeria" provides the legal basis for off-grid elec-
trification in the form of renewable energy in rural areas falling within each
state of the federation by empowering the House of Assembly of each state to
establish electric power stations within their respective jurisdictions, and to
generate and transmit and distribute electricity to areas not covered by the na-
tional grid system within that state amongst others "The Nigerian Electricity
Act" of 1988 is stated to be: lAin Act to provide for the regulation and control
of electricity installations, and of the generation, supply and use of electricity
energy:22 Every undertaking in the development of the sub-sector must comply
with this act. Section 2 provides as follows:
106
EFTA01090207
This Act and the regulation made there under shall apply in respect of any
undertaking for the manufacturing, distribution or supply of electricity
established by the Government of a State or any of its agencies to the same
extent as the Act and regulations apply in respect of any such undertaking
established by any other person or authority.
The Electric Power Sector Reform Act, 2005 (EPSRA) aims at deregulating
the power sector, and developing the capacity to transmit and distribute the
envisaged higher level of generation. This required a complete unbundling of
the National Electric Power Authority into 18 other independent bodies. The
federal government had hoped to generate 10 000 MW by December 2007, a
figure that many people thought was too low for a population of 140 million.
This conservative figure was not achieved.
With respect to hydroelectric power, the Water Resources Act governs
water resources development in Nigeria." This Act establishes the legal frame-
work for the development of water resources. It places ultimate responsibility
for the proper development of the nation's water resources on the Ministry of
Water Resources and Rural Development. The Act vests rights to the use and
control of water resources in the state." This does not preclude the rights of
individuals to take and use water for domestic," or industrial purposes, in-
cluding the generation of hydropower." Nevertheless, a license is required for
any person to operate any hydraulic work on the waterways or underground."
The mode of application is spelled out under section 10 of the act, which re-
quires an application for the grant of a license to carry out hydraulic works
to be made to the secretary in such form and manner and containing or be
accompanied by such information and document as the secretary may from
time to time prescribe.'
Biofuels in the form of wood, charcoal, and biomass constitute at least
70 per cent of the energy consumed in Nigeria. The demand for wood fuels,
for example, is expected to rise by about 350 per cent by 2030 and beyond,
while urban consumption is expected to grow by 250 per cent within the
same period." The requirements for an environmental impact assessment in
respect of any project embarked upon by any private or public authority with
likely environmental impact under the Environmental Impact Assessment
Act No. 86 1992 all combine to reduce the trend towards massive deforesta-
tion in Nigeria.f°
MONOGRAPH 167
107
EFTA01090208
Other renewable energy resources that could, in principle, meet almost all of
Nigeria's energy needs, such as solar power, wind power, geothermal energy and
wave power, are not given any specific regulatory prominence. Nevertheless, the
Energy Commission of Nigeria Act No. 109, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria
(LFN) 2004, established the Energy Commission of Nigeria and charged it with
responsibility for coordinating and ensuring general surveillance over system-
atic development of the various energy resources of Nigeria, including new and
renewable energy sources.3' The Jigawa Alternative Energy Trust Fund, in co-
operation with the United States Department of Energy, is constructing a solar
electric project in Jigawa State. The project is a result of a US$600 000 solar rural
electrification and water-pumping project for three villages in Jigawa State."
The National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement
Agency (Establishment) Act, 2007 Act No. 25, provides, under section 2, that
the agency established in terms of this law, shall, subject to the provisions of the
act, have responsibility for the protection and development of the environment,
biodiversity conservation and sustainable development of Nigeria's natural
resources in general, and shall have control over environmental technology, in-
cluding coordination and liaison with relevant stakeholders within and outside
Nigeria on matters of enforcement of environmental standards, regulations,
rules, laws, policies and guidelines.
Although existing laws in Nigeria are skewed towards fossil fuels and sec-
ondarily hydropower, there is recognition that an appropriate legal framework
is a prerequisite for maximising investment opportunities in the renewable
energy sector.
Challenges and barriers to climate
change mitigation in Nigeria
Substantial data gaps exist in the national database for both the emissions
inventories and mitigation analyses considered above." For instance, gaps in
the database were observed in all other emissions-relevant sectors, such as the
upstream energy sector, industries, agriculture, land-use change and wastes
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EFTA01090209
management. The back-up statistics, which could have made the estimation of
petroleum products consumption in the downstream sectors possible, are also
currently weak. There are, for example, no statistics on the total number of ve-
hicles in Nigeria from year to year. The data published annually only includes
the annual new vehicle registrations.
A number of barriers to implementing and/or improving future national
mitigation analysis identified in both the energy and forestry sectors include:
low literacy level; lack of/low level of awareness of the mitigation technologies
and their potential benefits; inefficient energy use; inappropriate energy pricing;
financial constraints; low income-level; technological incapability; and pres-
sures from population growth.
Challenges and barriers to renewable and
alternative electricity sources in Nigeria
Renewable electricity
In accordance with the provision of the EPSRA Act 2005, it is expected that targets
on access to electricity will be met through grid-based extension, independent mini-
grids for remote areas with concentrated loads where grid service is not economi-
cal or will take many years to be established, and stand-alone renewable electricity
systems for remote areas with scattered small loads. The interest here is on renewable
energy which is defined to include energy from solar, wind, biomass cogeneration
and gasification, less intrusive hydro, geothermal and hydrogen sources!'
The current total contribution of renewable energy to the energy mix is ap-
proximately 35 MW composed of 30 MW small hydropower and 5 MW solar
PV's A number of barriers were identified as militating against the development
of the renewable electricity industry. These include:
■ Policy and regulatory issues, including guarantees of access to the grid for
renewable energy
■ Financial and investment barriers, since renewable energy has high initial costs
and Nigeria lacks manufacturing capacity for components of renewable energy.
The average electricity tariff in Nigeria is about 6,75 per KW-h (about 5 US cents).
The average cost of sources of renewable electricity for mini hydro is 5-10 cents,
solar PV is 20-40 cents, biomass power 5-12 cents, and wind power 6-10 cents.
Thus, financial incentives for market entry are currently lacking. Incidentally,
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090210
these relatively higher cost initiatives may be needed to satisfy the electricity
needs of the poor who cannot afford high tariffs and are not represented in gov-
ernment to influence favourable policies for renewable sources of energy
■ Technological barriers of full import-dependent renewable facilities
■ Low public awareness and poor standards and quality control from the
regulatory agencies
■ Inadequate assessment of resources
■ Intermittency of resource availability
Alternative sources of electricity
Even if the country were enabled to generate sufficient electricity for its popula-
tion from the thermal, hydro and gas sources, there would still be the need to
explore other available options. This is the practice worldwide. Countries the
world over are, for example, considering electric power sources that may not
only be cheaper, but are also sustainable and environmentally friendly. Coal,
solar energy and nuclear energy are for the above reason currently being pro-
moted as alternative sources of electricity.
CONCLUSION
It is evident from the above that the use of renewable energy can lead to the
development of rural industries with attendant job opportunities and thus
contribute to poverty alleviation. The proper management of renewable energy
resources in the rural areas can play an important role in environmental
protection:1°
As Nigeria's economy improves, its per capita GHG emissions may ap-
proach those of developed nations. This combined with continued gas flaring
and a large population, will further worsen Nigeria's standing as a key emitter
of GHGs globally, with all the attendant consequences on all sectors of the
economy, particularly the energy and industrial sectors, as well as the rural
populace and urban poor.
Although the reforms in the electricity industry are commendable consider-
ing the enactment of a new sector law in 2005, the establishment of the regula-
tory agency, rule-making and fair management of the sector by the agency, the
crisis in the energy sector today justifies the need for the sector to be disciplined
by accountability and transparency mechanisms in the management of energy
IIO
EFTA01090211
resources and budgetary allocations for effective separation, transmission and
distribution of electricity nationwide.
Also, the legislative and regulatory framework for rural applications of ef-
ficiency and renewable energy is a combination of policy instruments seeking
to set clear goals, legislative requirements and subsidiary instruments that
provide legal bases for policy perspectives, as well as institutional mechanisms
for policy implementation.
An example of the regulatory requirements needed to promote renewable
energy may be found in the treatment of small hydro projects. Hydropower
for rural electrification can help minimise local, regional and global environ-
mental impacts in the long run, while ensuring people's livelihoods. These
benefits, not just those pertaining to hydropower, but to all renewable energy
resources, can hardly be realised without a coherent and adequate legislative
and regulatory framework that sets out the policy and laws, as well as insti-
tutional mechanisms for concretising the gains that will flow from rural ap-
plications of renewable energy. Furthermore, the sustainability of a national
GHG emissions inventory and climate change mitigation measures require,
inter alia, the following:
■ The determination of future emissions with the view to establishing the
extent of mitigation measures needed to lower emissions without compro-
mising sustainable development
■ Provision of local financial resource commitments and budgets for GHG in-
ventories and mitigation options assessment by the government to support
the activities of institutions working in this field
■ The identification of relevant projects and activities needed in the short to
medium-term to improve current national data on emissions inventories
and mitigation analysis in Nigeria
■ The use of as many adaptation strategies as possible to mitigate the adverse
effects of climate change on, particularly, the energy, industrial and agricul-
tural sectors of the Nigerian economy, as well as on the rural populace and
urban poor
■ Provision of a creative range or mix of policy instruments to deal effectively
with the issues involved in adapting to climate change in Nigeria
MONOGRAPH 167
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NOTES
1
See A S Sambo et al, Nigeria's experience on the application of IAEA's energy models (MAED
and WASP) for national energy planning: A paper presented during the Training Meeting/
Workshop on Exchange of Experience in Using IAEA's Energy Models and Assessment of
Further Training Needs, held at the Korea Atomic Energy Research Institute, Daejon. Republic
of Korea. 2006, 9.
2
According to President Umaru Musa Yar'adua: Over 30 million out of 140 million Nigerians
from variousstates of the federation are threatened by climatechange which leads to increased
degradation of the ecosystem. desert encroachment and deepening poverty of the populace.
Quoted from Leadership Newspaper. Abuja, Wednesday, 26 March 2008.28.
3
Epileptic electric power supply is crippling Nigerian small-, medium- and large-scale enter-
prises in the industrial sector of the economy: Northern Nigerian State Legislative Speakers
warned. Quoted in Business Day Newspaper, Abuja, Nigeria, Wednesday, 20 February
2008, 1.
4
See The energy crisis in Nigeria. in News Watch Magazine. 3 March 2008, 1-29.
5
See I H Umar, Keynote address delivered at a one-day workshop on Nigerian urban poor:
energy needs and sustainable livelihoods. Lagos, 23 June 2004. 1-13.
6 Ibid. 10. table 5.
7
See A S Sambo et al, Nigeria's experience on the application of IAEA's energy models for na-
tional energy planning. 1-32.
8
Ibid. 7. table I.
9
See generally, The Nigeria Environmental Study/Action Team (NEST), Ibadan. Nigeria, and
Global Change Strategies International (Gal), Project on Nigeria: climate change. Executive
summary, Canada: March 2004, 1-17.
10 See I L Worika. Comparative law evaluations of sustainable energy: the African perspective:
a paper delivered at a Colloquium in Shangai on 'The Law of Energy for sustainable develop-
ment', November 2003.
11 See generally. NEST, supra note 9. and Review of GHG emissions inventories mitigation as-
sessments and the framework for the implementation of a national emissions data system in
Nigeria (Synthesis report), 2001-2004, 1-10.
12 See Energy Commission of Nigeria, Brochure on major achievements, 2007. 1-7.
13 See generally, United Nations Environment Programme. Nairobi, Kenya, UNEP Handbook
for drafting laws on energy efficiency and renewable energy resources, 2007, 25-105.
14 See section 7. Policies of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 1999-2007, 207-253.
112
EFTA01090213
15 Ibid. 221-2.
16 See National Energy Policy of Nigeria. 2003, in Policies of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,
1999-2007, section 8, 257-351.
17 On Rural Electrification Policy. see chapter 7 of the National Electric Power Policy 2001.supra
note 14, 240-241.
18 See UNEP Handbook, supra note 13. 2007. 106-237.
19 Cap. C.23 Vol.3. Laws of the Federation of Nigeria. 2004.
20 Ibid. section 14 to part II of the Second Schedule to the Constitution.
21 Cap.E7 Vol.5, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
22 Ibid. see the preamble to the Act.
23 Water Resources Act Cap. W2. Vol.15, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
24 Section 1(1) of the Water Resources Act provides:
'The right to the use and control of all surface and groundwater and of all water in
any water course affecting more than one state as described in the schedule to this
Decree together with the bed and banks thereof, are by virtue of the Decree and
without further assurance vested in the Government of the federation.
25 See section 2 of the Water Resources Act.
26 Section 3 of the Act states as follows: 'Any person or any public authority may acquire a right
to use or take water from any water-course or any ground water described in the schedule to
this Decree for any purpose in accordance with the provisions of the Decree and any regula-
tion made pursuant thereto:
27 Ibid. section 9(I).
28 The secretary referred to here is the secretary charged with the responsibility for matters relat-
ing to water resources. The federal government. with the Japanese government's technical as-
sistance through the Japanese International Co-operation Agency (JICA), prepared a National
Water Resources Master Plan, http://www.fao.orgfagiagliaglw/aquastaticountriesiNigerie
index.stm (accessed II September 2008).
29 See M Adesanya Olugbenga, Elysian energy for a sustainable Nigeria. URL•http://www.
worldenergy.org/wec-geistpublicationsidefaultitech_papers/17thcongress/2_3_03.asp
(ac-
cessed 20 September 2008). Regulations to stem the tide of dwindling forest resources in size
and volume can be traced to the bask norm, 1999 Constitution of Nigeria. which provides
in section 20 that: 'it is an obligation of the state to protect and improve the environment
and safeguard the water, air and land, forest and wild life of Nigeria'. Under article 24 of the
African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act, Cap. 10
L.F.N. 1990. 'All people shall have the right to a general satisfactory environment favourable
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090214
to their development: http://www.nigerialaw.org/African%20Charter%20on%20Human%20
and%20Peoples'%20Rights.html
30 For Nigeria's El A Act No. 86 of 1992, see http://www.elaw.orgiresourcesitextasp?id=2690
31 See section 1(2) of Cap. 109 L.F.N. 1990. See generally http://vrww.nigeria.law.org/LFN-1990.html
32 See ligawa State. Nigeria, Extending opportunities to the edge of the desert. httpilwww.self.
orgtnigeria.asp
33 See NEST, supra note II.
34 Defined by the Nigerian Energy Master Plan as small (below 30 mw), mini (below IMW),
micro (below 100kw) and peco (below 1 kw).
35 See Federal Ministry of Power and SteelRenewableElectricityPolicy Guideline. December 2006.
36 See M T Ladan, Biodiversity, human rights and access to environmental justice in Nigeria,
Zaria: Faith Publishers Ltd, 2007, 15-20.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books, journals, reports, magazines, newspapers
Adesanya, Olugbenga M. Elysian energy for a sustainable Nigeria. URL:httpdfwww.worldenergy.
org/wec-geis/publicationsidefaullftech_papers/17th_congress/2_3_03.asp
Ladan, M T. Biodiversity. human rights and access to environmental justice in Nigeria. Zaria: Faith
Publishers Ltd, 2007, 15-20.
Leadership Newspaper, Abuja, Wednesday 26 March 2008, 28.
News Watch Magazine, Lagos, Nigeria, 3 March 2008, 1-29.
Nigeria and Global Change Strategies International (GCSI), Canada, Project on Nigeria: Climate
Change. Executive Summary, March 2004,1-17.
Renewable Electricity Policy Guideline. December 2006.
Review of GHG Emissions Inventories Mitigation Assessments and the Framework for the imple-
mentation of a National Emissions Data System in Nigeria (Synthesis Report). 2001-2004.1-10.
United Nations Environment Programme, Handbook for Drafting Laws on Energy Efficiency and
Renewable Energy Resources, Nairobi: UNEP, 2007, 25-105
Internet sites
http://www.elaw.org/resourcesitext.asp?id=2690
http://www.fao.orgtag/agliaglw/aquastaticountriesiNigeria/index.stm.
114
EFTA01090215
http://www.nigeria-law.orgafrican%20Charter%20on%20Human%20and%20Peoples'%2ORighis.
html.
http://www.nigeria-law.orgiLFN-1990.html.
http://www.seltorginigeria.asp.
http://www.worldenergy.org/wec-geisfpublications/defaultitech_papers/17th_congress/2_3_03.asp.
Table of statutes and policies
Constitution of Nigeria. 1999, Cap. C.23 Vol.3, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
Electric Power Sector Reform Act (EPSRA) 2005 Act.
Energy Commission of Nigeria Act No.109. Laws of the Federation of Nigeria (LFN). 2004.
Environmental Impact Assessment Act No. 86 1992. Cap. E 12 Vol. 6, Laws of the Federation of
Nigeria, 2004.
National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency (Establishment) Act.
2007 Act No. 25.
Nigerian Electricity Act of 1988, Cap.E7 Vol.S. Laws of the Federation of Nigeria. 2004.
Water Resources Act Cap. W2. Vol.15, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria• 2004.
National policies
National Electric Power Policy, 2001.
National Energy Policy, 2003.
Renewable Electricity Policy Guideline. December 2006.
Table of international instruments
African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. 1981.
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EFTA01090217
Biofuels in Tanzania:
legal challenges and
recommendations
for change
ABSTRACT
Inspired by change of policy in favour of 'alternative fuels' in industrialised
countries, the bioenergy industry has attracted considerable attention among
government leaders, entrepreneurs, and local and foreign investors in many
developing countries. This chapter provides a historical account of the rise of
biofuels and their current status in Tanzania. Surveying evidence of climate
change, rising prices of fossil fuels and the ever-increasing demand for energy,
the chapter underscores the importance of investing in alternative fuels in
Tanzania. It proceeds to discuss the effects of agrofuels on biodiversity con-
servation, food security and land tenure. The author opines that precautionary
measures should be adopted (and implemented) to ensure that this propelling
industry does not cause more harm than good to the environment.
INTRODUCTION
The past few years have seen increased attempts by governments to diver-
sify their energy sources for industrial, transport and domestic use. The main
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driving force is the realisation that the use of fossil fuels is a leading cause of
human-induced climate change'. Other factors include the need for energy
security, increased demand for energy due to improved life standards, espe-
cially in emerging economies such as China, and ever-increasing prices of fossil
fuels.' Governments worldwide are devising policies aimed at exploring and
commercialising alternative and renewable sources of energy, notably also in-
cluding biofuels.3 The term biofuels refers to the liquid, solid or gas fuel derived
from biomass either from recently living organisms or from their metabolic
waste.' Common examples of biofuels are ethanol, methanol and biodiese1.3
Ethanol alcohol can be obtained through the fermentation of sugar crops such
as sugarcane, sugar beet, and sweet sorghum, or of starchy crops such as corn
and cassava' Methanol can be obtained from wood or woody crops by means
of a wood gasification process followed by compression and methanol synthe-
sis.' Biodiesel fuel, on the other hand, can be obtained from oil crops, such as
soy-bean, rapeseed, sunflowers, and palms, by extracting the oil with suitable
solvents or through mechanical pressing and then converting the oil into diesel
fuel by a transesterification process.°
Biofuels, therefore, is a general term used to describe all the above forms
of fuels and the plants from which they are obtained? Based on their socio-
economic impact, biofuels have been classified into two types: first generation
biofuels made from food crop feedstock, and second generation biofuels made
from non-food feedstock and agriculture and forestry waste, such as woodchips
and straw.10 Research into, production of and markets for biofuels have grown
tremendously in the past ten years following industrialised countries' express
interest in this type of renewable energy. The US, for example, has indicated
that it will support the use of biofuels as one of the principal ways of combat-
ing climate change." The EU, likewise, has aimed to replace ten per cent of
motor transportation fuel with renewable energy such as biofuel by 2020." As
a result of this 'biofuels wind' blowing from the North to the South, develop-
ing countries have been inspired to embark on large-scale, commercial biofuels
production.'3 Through biofuels production and commercialisation, develop-
ing countries expect to see tangible benefits including, among other: creation
of employment and diversification of the rural economy, creation of a market
for agricultural energy crops, and saving of foreign exchange equal to the
value of imports substituted." Although these benefits are welcomed by both
developing and developed countries as they are in line with the Millennium
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Development Goals" and the Kyoto Protocol," the biofuels industry still poses
a myriad of legal, policy and institutional challenges to developing countries.
Using Tanzania as a case study, this chapter analyses some of these challenges
including, food security, environmental conservation and land tenure security.
The chapter is divided into three parts which, respectively: describe the study
area and the current status of biofuels in the country; analyse social and envi-
ronmental impacts of biofuels; and propose legal and policy recommendations
aimed at striking the appropriate balance in this respect.
Economic geography
Tanzania is a sovereign republic situated on the East Coast of Africa. It is
bordered by Kenya and Uganda to the north; Rwanda, Burundi and the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to the west; and Zambia, Malawi
and Mozambique to the south. To the east, it borders the Indian Ocean. The
country occupies 945 000 km' with a total population of 37 million." Tanzania
is a union between Zanzibar (comprising the Islands of Ungula and Pemba) and
mainland Tanzania formerly known as Tanganyika?' This chapter focuses on
Tanzania mainland. Economically, Tanzania is a poor country with a gross na-
tional income (GNI) per capital of only US$280.'1 More than 75 per cent of the
population lives in rural areas and agriculture is the mainstay of the economy,
providing employment to 80 per cent of the workforce. It also accounts for
nearly one-half of gross domestic product (GDP), and provides 85 per cent
of exports.30
Climate change
Global climate change is no longer a myth. In Tanzania, effects of climate
change are so evident that even the staunchest of 'climate deniers' may find it
difficult to maintain their denial. The shrinking snow of Mount Kilimanjaro is
echoed by many scientific authorities as a major sign of climate change in the
country?' As a result of such change, it has been predicted that temperatures will
rise by 2-4 degrees Celsius by 2100.12 Rainfall will decrease by 0-20 per cent in
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the interior part of the country. Moreover, climate change will lead to sea level
rise of 0,10-0,90 meters and this will aggravate flooding in the coastal areas."
Agriculture, transport and tourism sectors will also be affected and this will in-
tensify poverty." It is predicted that Tanzania may lose up to ten per cent of its
grain production. Maize, which is the staple food of Tanzanians, will especially
be affected. The Tabora•Dodoma region, which is one of the leading maize pro-
duction zones, will lose up to 80 per cent of its yield by 2075.25 The flow of many
rivers will be reduced and this will affect irrigation, hydroelectric power produc-
tion and the economy in general.36 As part of its reporting obligation under the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and a
strategy to address climate change locally, the government of Tanzania has un-
dertaken an in-depth analysis of the impact of climate change on agriculture,
health, and water. The analysis is also intended to serve as a technological needs
assessment for adaptation and poverty reduction." It is against this background
that Tanzania seeks to promote biofuels for, among other benefits, creation of
employment and contribution to a cleaner environment through reduction of
greenhouse gases (GHGs) and other vehicular emissions."
The biofuels industry
Tanzania's interest in biofuels has been received with mixed feelings. Some
commentators have characterised the biofuels industry as a `mixed blessing'."
More critical analysts have likened biofuels production to colonialism.'° The
government of Tanzania, on the other hand, has maintained that biofuels
offer the country an opportunity to diversify its rural economy and reduce the
amount of foreign currency used to import fuels." In 2006, the government
established the National Biofuels Taskforce" (NBT) charged with, among
other tasks, designing biofuels policies and regulations suitable for Tanzanian
conditions." Through the Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC) the government
has also ensured an attractive environment for investors in the biofuels sector.
This includes exemption from value added tax (VAT) and exemption from
import duties for all investors." A German Technical Cooperation (GTZ)-
commissioned study identifies 80 per cent of Tanzania's arable land as suitable
for bioenergy crop cultivation." Foreign companies already existent in Tanzania
to invest in the biofuels sector include PROKON Renewable Energy Solutions
and Systems Ltd of Germany, Mitsubishi Corporation of Japan, J&J Group (Pty)
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EFTA01090221
Ltd Pretoria, South Africa, and Sun Biofuels of the United Kingdom (UK)." In
spite of the absence of a national biofuels policy and any other specific legisla-
tion for renewable energy, these companies have acquired land and some have
already started with their investment activities. Sun Biofuels, for example, has
acquired 8 200 ha from Mtamba Village in Kisarawe, displacing approximately
11 000 people 37 As a consequence, the lack of legal and regulatory mechanisms
has led to strong criticism, and even mistrust, of biofuels investors in the
country." Nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), human rights activists and
other concerned individuals have repeatedly urged the government to consider
the adverse effects of biofuels on food security, environmental protection and
land security." It is against this background that the two sections below explore
these challenges and recommend appropriate legal and policy measures to
ameliorate the current situation.
Food security
Food security exists when all people, at all times, have access to sufficient, safe
and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active
and healthy life'." According to this definition, the two most important factors
for food security are accessibility and availability." Food insecurity, therefore, is
a result of a lack of either food accessibility, or unavailability, or both. The right
to food (which encompasses both availability and accessibility) is recognised as
a fundamental human right in international law." The Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR)" and the International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights", among other international law instruments, provide for
the right to adequate food." According to the African Commission on Human
and Peoples Rights (African Commission), state parties must protect access to
food from interference by powerful third parties." Some countries have en-
trenched the right to food in their constitutions? whereas in others it is inter-
preted by the courts as a part of the right to life." The causes of food insecurity
can be socioeconomic", ecological50 or political."
Although food insecurity predates the advent of biofuels,53 the latter have
contributed their fair share in worsening the situation." First generation bio-
fuels compete with food directly, whereas second generation biofuels compete
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with it for land, water and other inputs, increasing food prices." The results of
legal and scientific enquiries into the matter suggest that there is uncertainty as
to whether biofuels and food security can coexist's This was the main theme of
the High Level Conference on World Food Security organised by the Food and
Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations (UN) in June 2008.56
Unlike other parts of the world, the direct link between biofuels production and
food insecurity is rather difficult to establish in Tanzania. This is so because
food insecurity is rather rampant and can reasonably be described as a chronic
problem, although there have been improvements in recent years." Generally,
many researchers" agree that converting arable land into biofuel farms can be
a leading source of food insecurity." Farmers can also be enticed, by the high
prices of bioenergy crops, to abandon their traditional crops, consequently re-
ducing food production.60
The land question
The advent of biofuels and the subsequent 'scramble for land' among multina-
tional companies interested in growing biofuels in developing countries, have
been perceived as a threat to land tenure security among rural poor." According
to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Affairs (UNPFIA), 60
million indigenous people may be displaced by biofuels.62 In Tanzania, approxi-
mately 11 000 peasants currently face eviction in order to pave the way for a
British company, Sun Biofuels, to grow latrophe in an 8 200-ha area of land."
Pastoralists and hunter-gatherers, such as the Maasai and Hadzabe in northern
Tanzania, are equally in danger. The mere fact that pastoralists' traditional land
has not been titled or experienced any permanent construction activity, leads
some unscrupulous people, including government leaders, to assume that such
areas are 'no-man's land' and could be taken by anybody. Ringo Tenga, a land
rights researcher with the University of Dar es Salaam, recounts one incident
of land grabbing in the pastoralist district of Monduli in Arusha region, in
which prominent businessmen, military leaders and government officials used
dubious title deeds to grant themselves thousands of acres of land belonging
to pastoralists."
The government is also at the forefront of moves to evict pastoralists from
their ancestral lands for a myriad of 'projects', ranging from wheat farms to
the establishment of national parks. Ironically, the same government which
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ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
allocates village lands to biofuels investors has insistently announced that more
than 80 per cent of the total arable land in the country is unoccupied and forms
a part of the 'land bank' ready to be allocated to investors. Such a position then
begs the question: why evict local communities if such 'idle land' is available?"
Due to a lack of deliberate efforts to protect vulnerable groups, it is widely be.
lieved that biofuels will cause more harm than good to local communities unless
a clear policy instrument is adopted to protect them. Such a policy should also
protect the environment from which these communities eke their living.
This chapter now turns to effects of biofuels on the environment.
Biofuels and environmental degradation
As a result of the biofuels boom, forest clearing has taken place at an
unprecedented rate around the world.° This practice goes against the
UNFCC's Conference of the Parties (COP) decision to Reduce Emission from
Deforestation in Developing Countries (REDD) in particular, and the Clean
Development Mechanism (CDM) system in general, which is considered
by many to benefit developing countries like Tanzania and local communi-
ties which have been custodians of forests for millennia 68 To minimise this
problem, it is important that the CDM and REDD programme be imple-
mented to bring about tangible benefit. At the moment, the African continent
benefits the least from the CDM project.° Forest clearance also contributes
to the loss of biodiversity" in general and agrobiodiversity in particular."
Large-scale biofuels cultivation reduces both the diversity of biota and man-
agement diversity, and may also aggravate food insecurity." The government
of Tanzania, therefore, should protect agrobiodiversity, not only because it is
part and parcel of biodiversity in general, but also due to the fact that more
than 80 per cent of its farming community practices traditional agriculture
and depends on the foregoing for food security."
Another aspect of environmental degradation that comes to the fore as a
result of the agrofuels industry is the uncontrolled introduction of invasive
species. An invasive species (also known as exotic or non-native species)
is 'an alien species which become established in natural or semi-natural
ecosystems or habitat as an agent of change and threatens native biological
diversity." These species are intentionally or unintentionally introduced to
new areas and they have had widespread ecological and economic effects in
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different parts of the world." Introduced plants, among other types of exotic
species, displace and threaten native species and alter fire regimes, nutrient
cycling, energy budgets and hydrology!' Tanzania is party to, among other
international legal instruments for the control of alien invasive species, the
Convention on Biological Diversity, 1992 (CBD)." The country therefore also
has various obligations as regards the control of alien invasive species within
the context of the biofuels industry.
How can these challenges be dealt with without compromising human rights
and environmental conservation? This chapter seeks to answer this question in
the following section.
The Tanzanian energy sector is in crisis!' Lack of deliberate efforts to address
the root cause of the crisis led to the resignation, in February 2008, of the
then Prime Minister Edward Ngoyai Lowassa and two cabinet ministers,
Ibrahim Msabaha and Nazir Karamagi, after they were implicated in an
energy deal scandal." According to a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC)
appointed by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Lowassa had abused his
offices to award a contract to a US-based company, Richmond Development
Holding, to produce electricity in the country during the 2006 energy crisis.
The company was supposed to start producing electricity by using genera-
tors in December 2005. However, no generators were bought until the end of
2006, while Richmond was receiving US$100 000 per day in terms of the
government contract.6' Although Lowassa's resignation is unquestionably a
commendable act of political responsibility, it has done nothing to help the
energy sector. To save it from total collapse and to prevent the consequential
implications for the national economy, major legal, policy and institutional
reforms are needed."
There is also a need to diversify sources of energy in general and to promote
new and renewable energy in particular. Currently, out of a total of 37 million
Tanzanians, 90 per cent depend on biomass (charcoal and wood fuel), 7,5 per
cent on oil and gas, and 1-1,5 per cent on coal, solar power and wind." One way
of diversifying such energy sources is to invest in the production of biofuels. As
already indicated above, there are various socioeconomic and ecological chal-
lenges related to growing bioenergy crops.
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In view of the foregoing, the following section recommends legal, institu-
tional and policy measures to address some of these tensions and challenges.
The investigation commences with a review of existing structures, suggesting
that they can be used as a stepping stone for these much-needed reforms.
Law on biofuels:
The Rural Energy Act No 8 of 2005 as a model law
Tanzania has no law on biofuels. Enacting a new law is often also a drawn-out
and bureaucratic process. In order to save resources and take advantage of the
prevailing world struggle for alternative energy, it is recommended that the
Rural Energy Act" be amended to cater for the biofuels industry. Save for provi-
sions related to biofuels, food security, land acquisition and other challenges il-
lustrated above, the relevance of this law to biofuels cannot be overemphasised.
It introduces many aspects that could promote a viable biofuels industry in the
country. The following are a few of the elements it introduces.
Modern energy supply, economic growth and
sustainable development in rural areas
The Act acknowledges that modern energy supply" 'promotes growth in eco-
nomic production and productivity as well as social welfare'.'' It is acknowl-
edged that none of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) can be
achieved without an efficient energy supply.8' To achieve universal primary
education, for example, energy is needed in the rural areas to attract teachers
and relieve especially young females of their traditional role of being required
to travel far in search of firewood for cooking and heating." Since the world is
strategising to move away from fossil fuels, this principle could be utilised to
enact a biofuels law for sustainable rural development in Tanzania."
The Rural Energy Board
Part three of the Act establishes the Rural Energy Board," whose function it is,
among others, to facilitate extended access to modern energy services for eco-
nomic uses, health and education." This is a multisectoral board that includes
representatives of the civil society and even the donor community. Since the board
targets development in rural areas where biofuels companies are looking for land,
it is recommended that its mandate be extended to cover the biofuels sector.
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The Rural Energy Fund
The Act establishes the Rural Energy Fund, which has as its mandate to provide
grants to subsidise the capital cost of projects that are developed by private and
public entities, cooperatives, and local community organisations.' The current
international climate change law contains flexible mechanisms such as the
CDM. It is recommended that this fund be strengthened to reach more people
and encourage establishment of as many energy efficiency projects as possible
that may attract CDM funds. At the moment there is only one registered CDM
project in Tanzania.
A biofuels policy for Tanzania
A policy on biofuels is very important as a fundamental base for proper legal
and regulatory intervention. Such a policy should be crafted to address specific
socioeconomic and environmental issues that may not be included in the Act
described above. Specifically, it is recommended that the policy should make
a clear distinction between first and second generation biofuels. The former
should not be allowed because it may aggravate food security issues explained
in part three above. More importantly, the policy should provide clear strategies
for taking energy to rural areas. This should be so because, in many parts of
Africa, rural people produce what they do not consume. The policy should also
address blending and standard issues in order to ensure that production does
not compromise quality. Some existing policies support this sector, although
not expressly. The National Energy Policy of 2003, for example, although it does
not specifically mention biofuels, supports use of modern biomass for the pro-
vision of reliable, affordable and environmentally friendly energy." However,
given the need for a specific policy on biofuels, this chapter recommends a
thorough review of the existing policy framework, followed by an `upgrade' of
the newly developed Biofuels Guidelines into a policy. The guidelines" provide
for, and address, many of the challenges discussed above. These include, among
others, the following:
Food security: The guidelines acknowledge that production/farming of bio-
fuels may result in negative impacts, especially on the availability of food and a
rise in food prices." To address this particular concern, the guidelines require
biofuel developers to use a portion of land acquired for biofuels production to
grow relevant food crops, applying state-of-the-art agricultural techniques.
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This could be one of the guiding principles of the proposed biofuels policy. It is
in line with both the Tanzania Vision 2025 and the Millennium Development
Goals. By improving rural agriculture, Tanzania will simultaneously address
food insecurity and poverty.
Land acquisition: The guidelines contain commendable provisions on the
danger of land conflicts, including displacement in rural areas, posed by the
biofuels industry. On this particular issue, which is one of the most controver-
sial in Tanzania, the guidelines provide that no displacement of people should
be allowed for biofuels development. The guidelines further provide that, due to
`controversies around biofuels investments', village authorities must be guided
by the biofuels one•stop shop centre (an office created by the guidelines) on all
matters concerning land acquisition. If this same spirit is promoted to policy
level, and theory is translated into practice, local communities in Tanzania will
arguably be relieved of all their concerns that the biofuels industry is another
opportunity for land grabbing.
Environmental conservation: The guidelines take into consideration en-
vironmental threats posed by biofuels, including forest clearing, biosafety
and invasive species. It therefore mandates biofuels developers to carry out
an environmental impact assessment (EIA) prior to the start of any project."
Moreover, the guidelines require biofuel seeds to be produced according to the
regulations governing seed production in Tanzania; and they are not to be im-
ported or exported without a permit from the ministry responsible for agricul-
ture.96 It is recommended that these precautionary measures be incorporated
in the biofuels policy and that they are translated into a binding law to save the
country from the risk of enormous environmental damage posed by the biofu-
els industry, including forest clearance and the introduction of invasive species
as illustrated above.
CONCLUSION
This chapter has shown that biofuels offers various opportunities for Tanzania
to improve its energy security while simultaneously addressing climate change
and sustainable development. It is also a potential way to increase income of
rural farmers and other stakeholders. However, this opportunity is not without
its risks. It has been argued that biofuels can cause land conflicts, environmen-
tal degradation and food insecurity. It is for the law to see to it that the right
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EFTA01090228
balance is maintained. The current opposition to biofuel initiatives among
environmental activists and local communities is, by and large, due to the
lack of clear legal and policy provisions. It is hoped that concerned authorities
in Tanzania will play their part in establishing legal and policy instruments
needed for the proper regulation of the biofuels industry.
NOTES
1
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Climate change 2007: the physical science
basics, IPCC. Geneva 2007.
2
D Zillman, C Redgwell, Y Omorogbe et al (eds), Beyond the carbon economy energy law in
transition, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2007.6-7.
3
Relevant European Union Laws on biofuels include the Biofuels Directive 2003/30/EC of 27
May 2007 and the Biofuels Taxation Directive 2003/96/EC of 8 May 2003.
4
Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO). The EU's agrofuel folly: policy capture by corporate
interests. Briefing paper. 2007, http://www.corporateeurope.org/agrofuelfolly.htmknote07
(accessed 16 March 2009).
5
Mario Giampierto, Sergio Ulgiati and David Piementel. Feasibility of large-scale biotitel pro-
duction: does an enlargement of scale change the picture≥, BioScience 47(9) (1997), 587-600.
6 Giampierto et al. Feasibility of large-scale biofuel production, 587.
7
Giampierto et al. Feasibility of large-scale biofuel production, 587.
8
Giampierto et al. Feasibility of large-scale biofuels production. 587.
9
Many authors use the word 'biofuels' to refer to plants from which bionic] is extracted and the
same term to mean by-products, such as ethanol. See. for example, Giampierto et al, 'Feasibility
of large-scale biofuel production' compared to the Worldwatch Institute's Biofuels for transport:
global potential and implications for energy and agriculture, London: Earthscan. 2006.
10 Inigo Del Guayo, Biofuels: EU law and policy. in Zillman et al (ed) Beyond the carbon economy
energy law in transition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.265-337
11 The Renewable Fuels Standard (RFS), a programme established by the Energy Policy Act of
2005. requires the use of 28.4 billion litres of biofuels in the US by 2012. See new developments
at http://www.hrccc.org/images/CRS_report_on_RFS.pdf (accessed 19 March 2009).
12 See Commission of the European Communities. Communication from the European
Commission: An EU strategy for biofuels 2006. http://ec.europa.eu/development/icenter/
repositoryibiofuels_2006_02_08commeu_strategy en.pdf (accessed 19 March 2009). See,
also, Directive 2003/30IEC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 May 2003 on
the promotion of biofuels or other renewable fuels for transport• (2003) O1 L123/42.
128
EFTA01090229
13 Flagship examples in Africa include Tanzania, Ethiopia and Ghana. See Worldwatch Institute,
Biofuels for transport. 336-339.
14 Some of these benefits are enumerated in United Republic of Tanzania (URT), Guidelines
(or sustainable development of liquid biofuels and cogeneration in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam:
2008.
15 United Nations. UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), httpdAvww.un.orgemil-
lenniumgoala, (accessed 16 March 2009). For the relationship between MDGs and energy.
see Yinka O Omorogbe. Promoting sustainable development through the use of renewable
energy: the role of the law, in D Zillman, C Redgwell Y Omorogbe et al (eds). Beyond the
carbon economy energy law in transition, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2007.39-59.
16 Kyoto Protocol to the Framework Convention on Climate Change. opened for signature
March 16.1998, 37ILM 22 (1998) (entered into force 16 February 2005) ((Kyoto Protocol). The
Kyoto Protocol requires Annex 1 countries to reduce their GHG emissions. The use of fossil
fuels, especially for transportation. accounts for up to 25 per cent of global GHG emissions.
17 For more information on Tanzania, refer to the official government website at www.tan zania.
go.tz
18 According to the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977, each part of
the republic exercises autonomy over certain issues, referred to as 'non union matters.
Environmental management falls under this category.
19 World Bank, Tanzania: quick facts. World Bank development indicators database, April 2009,
http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAUCOUNTRIES/AFRIC.AEXTITANZANIAE
XTNA),.menuPK:287361-pagePK:141132-piPK:141109-theSitePK:258799.00.html (accessed
15 March 2009).
20 Ibid.
21 G Kaser. DR Hardy, T Magi et al, Modern glacier retreat on Kilimanjaro as evidence of climate
change: observations and facts. International Journal of Climatology, 24 (2004), 329-339. See
also. Organisation for Economic Development and Co-operation (OECD), Development and
climate change in Tanzania: focus on Mount Kilimanjaro, Paris: OECD, 2003.
22 M Mwandosya, B Nyenzi and M Luhanga, The assessment of vulnerability and adaptation to
climate change impacts in Tanzania, Dar es Salaam: Centre for Energy, Environment. Science
and Technology. 1998.
23 Ibid. See also M Hulme. R Doherty R, T Ngara. Global warming and African climate change: a
re-assessment. in P S Low (ed) Mime change and Africa, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press. 2005.29-40.
24 Mwandosya el al. The assessment of vulnerability and adaptation to climate change impacts in
Tanzania.
25 Ibid.
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26 Mwandosya et al. The assessment of vulnerability and adaptation to climate change impacts in
Tanzania. 1-24.
27 See The National Plan of Action (NAPA) 2007.
28 United Republic of Tanzania, Guidelines for sustainable development of liquid biofuels and
co-generation in Tanzania, 1.
29 This view is shared by some NGOs engaged in the biofuels business (Godfrey Lelya.
Programme Officer, Olkonerei Development Organisation per. corn).
30 See Land Rights Research and Resources Institute (LARRRI) & Joint Livelihood Initiative
for Tanzania, Rio-fuel development in Africa: opportunities, threats and challenges for rural
small-holders in Tanzania, Report of the Forum held at Land Mark Hotel, Dar es Salaam, 12
January 2008. http//www.hakiardhlorg/HA-Docsibiofuel.pdf (accessed 16 March 2009).
31 Tanzania imports 100 per cent of the oil and gas used for transportation.
32 This is a multisectoral committee composed of members from the following ministries and
other stakeholders: Ministry responsible for Planning. Economy and Empowerment; Ministry
of Energy and Minerals; Ministry responsible for Agriculture and Food Security Ministry of
Labour: Employment and Youth Development; Ministry of Finance; Vice President's Office
- Division of Environment Ministry of Water and Irrigation; Ministry of Lands, Housing
and Settlement Development: Attorney General's Chambers: Tanzania Investment Center:
Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation; Community Finance Limited; Tanzania
Sugar Producers' Association.
33 William M Ngeleja (Minister for Energy and Minerals) Biofuels development in Tanzania.
Paper presented at the Third German-African Energy Forum. Berlin. Germany, 23-25 April
2008.
34 United Republic of Tanzania (URT), Procedure for obtaining certificate of incentives,
Tanzania Investment Centre TIC, President's Office, 2008.
35 German Technical Cooperation (GTZ). Liquid biofuels for transportation in Tanzania: poten-
tial and implications for sustainable agriculture and energy in the 21st Century, 2005. http://
www.gtz.deMeidokumente/en-biofuels-for-transportation-in-tanzania-2005.pdf
(accessed
16th March 2009)
36 Ngeleja, Biofuels development in Tanzania. 5.
37 Oxfam, Another inconvenient truth: how biofuel policies are deepening poverty and acceler-
ating climate change, Oxfam Briefing Paper, 2008.141.
38 Time to come clean on bio-fuel threat, The Citizen, 24 July 2008, at http://allafrica.comf
stories/200807240343.html (accessed 19 March 2009).
39 See Land Rights Research and Resources Institute (LARRRI) & Joint Livelihood Initiative for
Tanzania: Bio-fuel development in Africa.
130
EFTA01090231
40 FAO, Rome declaration on World Food Security and World Food Summit Plan of Action.
(document W3613/E), Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, World Food
Summit, 13-17 November 1996, Rome, httpilwww.fao.org/docrep1003/w3613e1w3613e00.
htm (accessed 12 March 2009).
41 See also the General comment by the Committee on Economic. Social and Cultural Rights on
the right to adequate food. Comment No. 12 (1999).
42 This is one of those rights regarded as 'second generation human rights, meaning social-eco-
nomic and cultural rights. States are obliged to use 'maximum available resources' to provide
their respective subjects with these rights.
43 ILM. see Article 25.
44 ILM see Article 11(1) and (2).
45 Article 6 (the right to life) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR)
has also been interpreted to impose a duty on states to eliminate malnutrition.
46 Social and Economic Rights Action Centre (SERAC) and the Centre for Economic and Social
Rights v Nigeria - Communication 155/96. See also C Mbazira, Reading the right to food into
the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, ESR Review 5(1) (2004), 5.
47 See, for example, Article 27(1)(b) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 19%.
48 India is a flagship example. See Francis Corolie Mullin v The Administrator, Union Territory
of Delhi (1981) 2 SCR 516-529.
49 Social-economic disparities in society make it difficult for the poorest of the poor to get suf-
ficient access to food, in spite of its availability. See Allan G Smith. Human rights and choice
in poverty: food insecurity. dependency and human rights based development aid for she third
world rural poor. Westport: Praegar, 1997.
50 Ecological causes of food insecurity are usually related to land degradation. water availability
or pests. See Hari C Sharma, Biotechnological approaches for pest management and ecological
sustainability. CRC Press, Boca Raton, 2009.
51 Politically-induced food insecurity may involve insufficient attention to the agricultural sector.
unequal distribution of food, and economic policies that distort food markets. See Amartya
Sen, Poverty and famines: an essay on entitlements and deprivation, Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1982: and Expertise Centrum voor Duurzame Ontwikkeling (ECDO), Size does matter: the
possibilities of cultivating Jatropha curcas for biofuel production in Cambodia. Amsterdam:
Universiteit van Amsterdam, 2006.
52 Parker Shipton, African famines and food security: anthropological perspectives. Annual
Review of Anthropology. 19,353-394. See also H C Srivastava. The history of Indian famines
front 1858-1918, Agra: Sri Ram Mehra and Co., 1968.
53 The World Bank estimates that food prices have increased by 83 per cent in the last three
years. See World Bank. Rising food prices: policy options and World Bank response, 2008.
MONOGRAMS 167
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According to Oxfam, 30 per cent of such increases are attributable to biofuels: see Oxfam,
Another inconvenient truth, 3.
54 A Dufey. L Peskett, R Slater and C Stevens, Biofuels, agriculture and poverty reduction,
London: DFID, 2007, 4.
55 Certainly, not all biofuels are bad. See part four of this chapter on policy recommendations on
how to exploit 'the good' of biofuels instead of concentrating only on the 'bad and the ugly.
56 See FAQ Climate change, bioenergy and food security: options for decision makers identified
by expert meetings, in Information document for the High-Level Conference on World Food
Security: The change of climate change and bioenergy: HLOINFE5, FAO. Rome: 2008.
57 United Republic of Tanzania URT. Follow-up of the implementation of the World Food Summit
Plan of Action, Ministry of Agriculture Food Security and Cooperatives. 2006.
58 J Peters and S Thielmann, Promoting biofuels: implications for developing countries. Ruhr
Economic Paper No. 38, Essen: RWI Essen. 2008. See also JRC, Biofuels in the European
context: facts, uncertainties and recommendations. JRC working paper. 19 December 2007.
59 Oxfam, Another inconvenient truth, 3.
60 This is why it is important for governments to play their regulatory role through sound poli-
cies and legislation. Farmers worldwide are 'business intelligent' and may easily be enticed by
the 'supply and demand' matrix.
61 One reason attributed to this fear is the government pretext that biofuels crops can be grown
in 'marginal lands, the very places occupied by poorest of the poor. such as pastoralists and
hunter-gatherers of East Africa.
62 See Orangutan Outreach, Biofuels threaten lands of 60 million tribal people, http://redapes.
orgfnews-updatesibiofuels-threaten-lands-of-60-million-tribal-people/ (accessed 6 October
2009). See also Victoria Tauli-Corpuz and Aqqaluk Lynge, Impact of climate change mitiga-
tion measures on indigenous peoples and on their territories and lands. Report submitted to
the Economic and Social Council, http://shr.aaas.org/www!UNPFII_Report_on_Climate_
Change.pdf (accessed 19 March 2009).
63 Jatropha Curcas Lisa tropical plant. the seeds of which can be pressed to obtain oil used in
diesel engines. It is the most common bioenergy plant in Tanzania.
64 Oxfam, Another inconvenient truth.
65 Ringo Tenga Legislating for Pastoral Land Tenure in Tanzania: The Draft Land Bill, Land
Rights for the New Millennium, http://www.whoseland.com/ (accessed 1 February 2009).
For other examples of foul play in pastoralists' land see also Shivji Issa and Wilbert Kapinga.
Mensal Rights in Ngorongoro, Tanzania. London: International Institute for Environment and
Development/Hakiardhi, 1998.
66 A newspaper article puts it this way: 'As rightly pointed out recently by Prime Minister Mizengo
Pinda, Tanzania has over 44 million hectares of arable land of which only a quarter or about
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ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
10.5 million hectares are under cultivation. It appears that we have plenty of land but when we
start hearing that villagers are being compensated to give way to these multinationals to culti-
vate biofuel plants then we start asking ourselves why? In Kisarawe. Rufiji. Kilwa, Bagamoyo.
Handeni and elsewhere talk of villagers being compensated by these multinational renewable
energy corporations is rife and in some cases villagers are almost being compensated to give
away their ancestral homes, tiny food crop farms and graveyards to give way to these huge in-
vestments. Why shouldn't authorities show these multinationals. which have both the capital
and expertise. virgin land which is lying idle to do their spadework other than repeating mis-
takes which we have committed with the mining sector in the past?' (The Citizen 2008b).
67 E Wakker. Greasy palms: The social and ecological impacts of large-scale oil palm planta-
tion development in Southeast Asia. Friends of the Earth (FOE), 2005, http•f/www.foe.co.uk/
resourcereportsigreasy_palnu_impacts.pdf
68 UNFCC Decision 2/CP.13, Reducing Emission from Deforestation in Developing Countries:
Approaches to Stimulate Action in Report of the Conference of Parties on its Thirteenth
Session. held in Bali, 3-IS December 2007.
69 Iron Fry. Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Forest Degradation:Opportunities and
Pitfalls in Developing a New Legal Regime, RECIEL 17(2) 2008.
70 Biodiversity/biological diversity is defined as the variability among living organisms from all
sources including. inter alia. terrestrial marine and other aquatic ecosystems and the ecologi-
cal complexes of which they are part. It includes diversity within species. between species, and
of ecosystems.
71 At its most basic. the term agrobiodiversity refers to the diversity of useful plants in managed
ecosystems See Kameri-Mbote Anna Patricia and Phillip Gullet, Agrobiodiversity and inter-
national law: a conceptual framework, Journal of Environnzental Law 11(2) (1999).
72 Peter Easton and Margaret Ronald, Seeds of life women and agricultural biodiversity in
Africa, Indigenous Knowledge Notes, 23 August 2000. World Bank. Washington DC IUCN-
The World Conservation Union, 2000.
73 E I Laltaika, Plant variety protection for food security in Tanzania: the case of plant breeders'
rights, LLM Dissertation, Munich Intellectual Property Law Centre. 2007.
74 IUCN-The World Conservation Union, 2000 IUCN Guidelines for the Prevention of Biodiversity
Loss Due to Biological Invasion (Approved by the IUCN Council. February 2000).
75 Kideghesho and Hassan, Biodiversity conservation in Tanzania, Paper presented at the Fourth
Scientific Conference of the Tanzania Wildlife Research Institute TAWIRI Impala Hotel
Arusha, 1-3 December 2003.
76 Ibid.
77 The Relevant Article. Article 8 in-situ conservation, provides that 'Each Party shall, as far as
possible and appropriate: (g) Establish or maintain means to regulate, manage or control the
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risks associated with the use and release of living modified organisms resulting from biotech-
nology which are likely to have adverse environmental impacts that could affect the conserva-
tion and sustainable use of biological diversity, taking also into account the risks to human
health; (h) Prevent the introduction of, control or eradicate those alien species which threaten
ecosystems. habitats or species!
78 The advent of climate change has seen the decline of the level of water in many rivers and dams
previously relied upon for production of hydro-electric power (HEP) causing unprecedented
inefficiency in electricity generation in the country. See the 2007/2008 Budget Speech of the
then Minister of Energy and Minerals Nazir Karamagi to Parliament, http://www.tanzania.
gosz/budgetspeech/2007/pdfinishati.pdf
79 BBC. Tanzanian PM to resign over graft, http:ffnews.bbc.co.ukinhi/africa/7232141.stm
80 Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania, Executive Summary of the Parliamentary
Select Committee's Report on Richmond Development Company LLC 'Mwakyembe Committee
Report', Unpublished report presented to Parliament on Wednesday, 6 February 2008.
81 This paper cannot claim to provide all advice needed to achieve this goal, nor is it about the
energy sector in its entirety. It is only fair to discuss such a theme, albeit briefly, to place biofu-
els policy in context.
82 United Republic of Tanzania, National website, http://www.tanzania.go.tx/energythtml
83 This is an Act to establish the Rural Energy Board, Fund and Agency to be responsible for pro-
motion of improved access to modem energy services in the rural areas of Mainland Tanzania
and through a fund within the agency board, to provide for grants and subsidies to developers
of rural energy projects for related and consequential matters.
84 Modern energy is defined as energy that is based on petroleum, electricity or any other energy
forms that have commercialised market channels. a higher heating content value than tradi-
tional biomass fuel and which may be easily transported. Biofuels fall under this definition
as they are not only easier to transport than. for example, firewood. but also much higher in
heating properties.
85 See Part II, Principles of Rural Energy, section 4(a).
86 UNDP, Energizing the Millennium Development Goals: a guide to energy's role in reducing
poverty, New York: UNDP/BDP Energy and Environment Group, 2005.
87 Yinka O Omorogbe, Promotingsustainable development through the use of renewable energy.
41.
88 Sustainable development is 'development that meets the needs of the present without compro-
mising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs: UN World Commission on
Environment and Development (Bmndland Commission), Our common future, New York:
UN. 1987, 43.
89 See sections 6-13.
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ROSE MWERAZA AND LOUIS J Kant
90 See section 6(1).
91 See section 18(1).
92 United Republic of Tanzania, The National Energy Policy, 2003.
93 United Republic of Tanzania, Guidelines for sustainable development of liquid biofuels and
co-generation in Tanzania. See sections 31-38.
91 See section 31 of the guidelines.
95 See section 35 of the guidelines.
96 See section 38(1)43) of the guidelines.
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PART 4
The Clean Development
Mechanism
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EFTA01090241
Towards sustainable
development
An African perspective on reforming the
Clean Development Mechanism
ABSTRACT
The idea behind the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), one of the three
flexible mechanisms created by the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), is that developing
nations will benefit from sustainable development in the form of `climate-
friendly' projects that reduce emissions of greenhouse gases while developed
nations receive Certified Emissions Reduction (CERs) credits that may be used
for compliance purposes.
However, since its inception, a number of problems have arisen with the
CDM. This chapter critically analyses the problems inherent in the formula-
tion and implementation of the current CDM from an African perspective. It
considers an array of possible solutions to these shortcomings with a view to
informing the possible reform of the CDM in the Copenhagen Protocol, which
will replace the Kyoto Protocol at the end of the first commitment period in
2012. Included, within this discussion is an analysis of options for scaling up
the CDM to promote more active participation of African nations in the post-
2012 climate regime.
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INTRODUCTION
With the Kyoto Protocol nearing the end of its 2008-2012 compliance period,
the dust has not yet settled on the issue of how a post-Kyoto framework will
be structured to address climate change.' Although there is clear consensus
that climate change is a critical problem with greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions
having risen by 24 per cent globally since 1990,2 the current legal framework
is unlikely to be sufficiently comprehensive to address the magnitude of the
problem. Without adequate policies and measures to address this increase,
emissions are projected to increase at least 25 per cent, and as much as 90 per
cent by 2030.3 Therefore, much hangs upon the Copenhagen negotiations in
December 2009, where a post-Kyoto agreement will be fashioned.
The Kyoto Protocol can be described as revolutionary in the international
collaboration to address climate change because it puts into place a framework
for legally binding reductions of GHGs by 38 leading industrialised countries,
each of which agreed to reach a specific reduction target during the period
2008-2012. A key achievement of the protocol was the establishment of three
market mechanisms designed to help developed countries achieve their Kyoto
commitments. One of these, the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), was
created as a means through which developed countries could reach their GHG
reduction targets in a cost-effective manner, whilst at the same time contribut-
ing to the sustainable development priorities of developing countries. As such,
the CDM was envisioned, and has indeed become, the primary avenue through
which developing countries can participate in the protocol.
At its inception, it was hoped by developing states that the CDM would
be a means whereby technology would be able to leapfrog across borders and
continents, as well as a mechanism under which they could achieve their devel-
opment objectives whilst simultaneously preparing for the anticipated carbon
constrained economy of the future.' The practical application of the CDM thus
far has, however, resulted in a mixed picture. While there are stories of success,
the CDM has also, on the other hand, failed to live up to the expectations for
all developing parties. Much therefore hangs upon the ensuing Copenhagen
negotiations with respect to its future shape and form.
The CDM necessitates reform for two important reasons. First, it should be
reformed precisely because it has been such an astounding success for some
parties. In 2008, there were 3 967 projects in the CDM pipeline, with 1 170
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projects having been registered.s Similarly, the primary and secondary CDM
market in 2007 was worth nearly US$13 billion, a USS7 billion increase from
2006.6 In addition, over 15 new countries have now entered the project pipe-
line for the first time, many of them in sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia.'
Second, given the scientific evidence available today, the need for scaled-up
action on climate change is becoming more and more apparent. The CDM, in
a reformed and scaled-up version, presents an opportunity to promote greater
involvement by developing nations in the immediate future whilst still allowing
them an opportunity to develop without binding emissions limitations. Thus, in
order to continue the CDM success story and to promote greater participation
by developing nations in the climate change regime, the failures and shortcom-
ings of the CDM must be considered and addressed by the post-Kyoto regime.
Criticism of the CDM has been considerable. For instance, the early crop of
CDM projects was faulted for failing to adequately contribute to the environmental,
social and economic development priorities of host countries .° Instead, the trend
has been for investment to follow projects that have clear reductions and simple
additionality. The type of projects easily meeting these criteria, such as those that
reduce the release of Islioand methane, are perceived as providing only a modest
'development dividend' for their host communities and therefore they have often
failed to provide the sustainable development dividend that was envisioned with
the CDM? There have also been observations that the flow of investment from the
CDM is skewed toward a small sub-set of developing countries with the ironic result
of the CDM bypassing those least-developed countries, particularly in Africa, that
are most in need of it.'° Concerns have also been expressed over the environmental
integrity of the CDM, especially with respect to additionality and supplementarity.
Further criticisms have been levelled at the CDM's institutional structures, in par-
ticular concerning institutional inefficiency, prohibitive costs, capacity constraints,
a lack of resources and extensive delays." There has also been a lack of assistance
to those states, amongst which African states are prominent, struggling to access
the CDM bureaucracy due to capacity and awareness constraints. Lastly, the
Adaptation Fund, the subsidiary fund of the CDM, has also been target of several
criticisms, not least of which has been concern over the inequitable or inadequate
distribution of funds to finance adaptation in developing countries!'
This chapter thus serves as an attempt to provide some creative and comprehen-
sive suggestions to the challenges highlighted above and it is hoped that it may draw
attention to some useful solutions to the crisis at hand. To this end, the chapter
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will address the current constraints of the CDM and propose areas of reform with
respect to its scope, criteria and verification procedures, and institutional structure,
as well as its funding mechanism. The proposals have been shaped in a way that at-
tempts to preserve the present institutional framework whilst introducing changes
that are realistic but at the same time sufficiently far-reaching to address the magni-
tude of the challenge ahead.
IN A NUTSHELL
The CDM was created with the dual purpose of assisting Annex I States (devel-
oped nations) in achieving compliance with their quantified emission limita-
tion and reduction commitments, and to assist parties not included in Annex I
to achieve sustainable development.'' As such, at the most basic level, it permits
countries and companies to invest in sustainable GHG-reduction projects
in non-Annex I States. The emissions reductions achieved by the individual
projects are translated into Certified Emissions Reductions (CERs), credits
equal to the equivalent of one metric ton of CO2, that may be used by the Annex
I State to meet its Kyoto target."
In order for an activity to qualify as a CDM project, the activity must comply
with certain substantive, as well as procedural, requirements which are laid
down by Article 12 of the Kyoto Protocol, read with the Marrakech Accords
of 2001 which provide modalities for the functioning of the mechanism" An
exposition of the precise processes to be followed and in-depth analyses of the
substantive requirements can be found in various scholarly papers and will
therefore not be undertaken here." The current contribution aims, instead, to
focus on the problem areas of the requirements and procedures, and possible
solutions to these problems.
Developing and developed country participation
In order to stabilise GHG emissions at levels that avoid dangerous anthropo-
genic interference with the global climate, it will be necessary for key developing
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countries with rapidly growing economies to take on increasingly meaningful
roles in reducing global emissions. Unfortunately, however, developing countries
have consistently proved to be unwilling to have imposed, what is perceived to
be, any form of cap on their emissions and, in consequence, on their economic
growth.'7 Perhaps, however, the political climate has changed and the time may
be ripe to reintroduce the so-called 'evolution' mechanism that proved to be so
contentious in the run-up negotiations to the Kyoto Protocol."
The application of such a mechanism, which envisages eventual binding
commitments for all parties, could, for example, be based on various objective
factors such as a country's capacity-responsibility index, defined as the sum of
emissions per capita and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, the Human
Development Index, a governance index, historic responsibility based on a
weighted average of past CO2 levels, as well as institutional affiliation."
Moreover, developing countries could be incentivised to agree to such a
proposal if newly graduating countries had relatively softer targets which, for
example, could be based on intensity levels," or action targets," instead of ab-
solute emissions targets." The feasibility of such a proposal is also bolstered by
the fact that there are some signs that a few larger developing countries have
already started to consider climate mitigation in their domestic frameworks."
Similarly, relatively large emitting countries, such as South Africa, have also
shown a willingness to set limits on their emissions."
However, this said and taking into account the objective factors listed above,
the reality remains that many African states will not face binding targets in
the upcoming protocol. Yet those states' need for sustainable development, as
well as adaptation to the effects of climate change, which are expected to hit
the poorest countries the hardest, and particularly those in Africa, remains a
pressing concern." A reshaping and expansion of the CDM is thus of utmost
importance to these states.
The following sections shortly outline the major problems encountered with
the CDM and propose solutions to these challenges.
In order to adequately address the issue of climate change, not only will devel-
oped nations need to take on greater emissions cuts, but the need for developing
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nations to realign themselves to a cleaner growth path will also increase. To
stabilise global emissions in 2030 back at today's levels, a UNFCCC study has
suggested that the additional Investment and Financial Flows (I&FF) required
needed in 2030 will be approximately USS180-225 billion." These additional
l&FF amounts are comparably large in relation to the current funds within the
UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol, but are relatively small in comparison with
the estimated global GDP (0.3.0.5 per cent) and global investment (1,1.1,7 per
cent) in 2030." Special attention will also have to be paid to developing coun-
tries which will require a large share of this I&FF because of their expected
rapid growth rate." If significantly expanded, the carbon market, which is
already playing an important role in shifting private investment flows, offers
the potential to address the need for additional l&FF.
After a thorough survey of the various proposals put forward, both at the
negotiating tables and by academics alike, it is the authors' opinion that the
most advantageous and feasible approach would be to expand the manner in
which projects are grouped so as to include the sectoral CDM and ultimately
sector no-lose targets. Similarly, our analysis suggests that the type of eligible
projects should be expanded to include Reducing Emissions from Deforestation
and Degradation (REDD), the restoration of wetlands, as well as sustainable
forest management so as to both scale up the carbon market and also reduce the
inequity of the distribution of CDM projects,
The sectoral Clean Developed Mechanism
The sectoral CDM would involve the expansion of the CDM from current
project-based and programmatic activities to activities based upon whole
sectors, such as transport, energy and forestry, and would result in the credit-
ing of emission reductions below a baseline determined for an entire sector."
The baseline would be determined by the government of a developing country
and activities under the CDM would be shifted to the government level." As a
result, developing country governments would be responsible for coordinating
actions within sectors and would receive credits directly."
The sectoral CDM holds the potential for GHG mitigation on a scale that
far outpaces the current project-based and programmatic CDM." This is
so because the sectoral CDM approach could channel investment to entire
sectors of the economy, thus allowing for the much-needed restructuring and
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`decarbonisation of these sectors." It would allow project boundaries that have
both high and low abatement costs to be drawn, hence making the overall CER
price competitive by allowing projects within that sector to benefit from econo-
mies of scale. Thus, unlike under the current CDM, the sectoral CDM envisages
that different types of activities, that would ordinarily have to be registered as
individual projects, be grouped together, allowing those kinds of activities with
low abatement costs to 'subsidise' those activities currently overlooked due to
high abatement costs. In other words, activities which have a beneficial devel-
opment aspect but that are on their own not sufficiently cost-effective for the
CDM, would be encouraged.
In consequence, it is hoped that the introduction of the sectoral CDM will
encourage developing countries to enact ambitious climate policies, since a
reward for such a poliry•decision would be found in the creation of and receipt
of CERs for successful sectoral activities." Furthermore, the sectoral CDM holds
the potential for encouraging those kinds of projects currently overlooked.
Sector no-lose targets
The sectoral approach could furthermore be complemented by the adoption of
sector no•lose targets (SNLTs) for certain identified industries, a tool which may
offer a means of reducing emissions from large international industrial emitters
on a broader scale, whilst having the advantage of being free of the additionality
requirement, as well as general procedural CDM requirements."
Under a SNLT approach, governments would negotiate emission caps for
identified sectors in industrialised countries and SNLTs in developing countries
where emission reductions below the baseline, as internationally agreed upon,
would be able to generate credits for developing countries. Hence, SNLTs would
be part of the negotiation in which overall quantitative outcomes are agreed."
The key feature of such targets is that whilst developed states would be penalised
for emissions above their targets, developing countries would not be penalised
in accordance with the `no-lose feature of the proposal.
However, SNLTs are only feasible for certain types of industries and projects
and thus have been proposed as a separate but complementary mechanism to
the CDM. For example, electricity generation, cement, aluminium or steel pro-
duction, as well as `upstream' emissions of oil and gas production, such as gas
flaring, would all be feasible since they reflect smaller numbers of large sources
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and thus baselines are easier to determine?' On the other hand, a SNLT ap-
proach for sectors such as buildings and transport, which tend to have large
numbers of small sources, would create significant challenges."
Increasing the variety of eligible Clean
Development Mechanism projects
As already suggested, allowing for additional mitigation options would enable
countries to reach more ambitious reduction targets at little or no extra cost
and would hopefully result in more inclusive participation in the future climate
change regime. Another way of achieving this end would be to allow for avoided
deforestation, referred to in the negotiations as REDD.
Since Montreal, many countries and observers have developed positions on
this issue in response to the formal proposal put forward by Papua New Guinea
and the Coalition for Rainforest Nations." In this proposal, it was suggested
that countries which lowered their rate of deforestation below a historical base-
line should be compensated with financial incentives, like CERs." The proposal
suggested that baselines be determined at a national level, overcoming issues
like carbon leakage, one of the barriers for an earlier inclusion of forest con-
servation:" Momentum in the debate to include this type of CDM project has
since increased due to growing scientific evidence drawing attention to the fact
that deforestation contributes between 15 and 20 per cent to global total GHG
emissions and is the largest source of emissions from developing countries.42
Additionally, REDD projects offer a substantial amount of potential co-benefits,
such as biodiversity, watershed, and soil conservation, and direct attention to
important issues in rural development."
Despite the difficulties in measuring such projects, it is suggested that devel-
oping countries continue to push the agenda of REDD at the forthcoming ne-
gotiations because of the inclusive participation and sustainable benefit advan-
tages it offers. This is particularly true in the African context, where farming is
the predominant livelihood of most populations." An increase in agriculture to
feed the ever-growing populations on this continent is the easiest way to ensure
food security. Such action will, however, lead to further deforestation and soil
exhaustion, which is likely to be further exacerbated by the use of biomass
fuels for cooking and other household activities. Thus, the expansion of the
CDM to include REDD activities that prevent deforestation and destruction of
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remaining forests holds huge potential for Africa, both from a purely participa-
tory, as well as from a sustainable development, perspective.
In lobbying for REDD, a way to mitigate against the present bias against such
projects would be for developing countries to establish buffer zones that could
serve as a form of insurance where under the host state would assume liability
for the reversal of any removal or degradation to the forest!' Similarly, such
projects should, like other land use, land-use change and forestry (LULUCF)
projects, be awarded only temporary credits!' Lastly, it is suggested that not
only forests but other land-use practices become eligible project types. Within
this category, for example, the restoration of wetlands, as well as sustainable
forest management and other sustainable land management activities, could all
present themselves as feasible and effective project activity types for developing
countries!'
Although the CDM has proven effective in engaging East Asian countries in
mitigation efforts,1" it has been less successful in engaging other regions, in par-
ticular Africa which accounts for only two per cent of CERs generated:19 h com-
parison, it is estimated that three countries alone, i.e. China, India and Brazil,
will account for more than 70 per cent of the abatement from CDM projects by
2012.10 It has been suggested that part of the reason for this imbalance is the
lack of capacity to perform these projects." Similarly, it has been suggested that
the imbalance may be caused by the fact that the use of energy within Africa
is comparatively low. What little energy is used tends to be biomass or hydro-
power collected by households." As a result, Africa has not been an ideal host
for CDM projects because it lacks both the institutional framework to support
the CDM as well as the high-emitting pre-existent technologies which result
in higher levels of CERs under the CDM baseline rules than would occur if
clean technologies were in place." The Chinese example illustrates how the
early adoption of approved hydrofluorocarbon (HFC) methodologies, as well as
a large number of pre-existing high-emitting HFC industries, were both signifi-
cant factors in making China the largest producer of CERs by volume."
The illustration above highlights not only the geographic imbalance in
project distribution, but also the imbalance of project types within the CDM
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pipeline. To date, most projects have tended to be projects with low abatement
costs that generate significant amounts of CERs, such as N2O and landfill gas
projects, whilst projects such as LULUCF, solar and residential energy efficiency
projects, which have longer term sustainable development benefits, tend to be
less desirable.'
To counteract both these tendencies, it is suggested that the Conference of
the Parties, serving as the Meeting of the Parties (COP/MOP) should create a
list of priority projects and another list of priority states. Projects which do not
qualify as priority projects or which do not take place in priority states, would
have a proportion of the value of each CER that it is estimated to generate, dis-
counted. A priority project or a project in a priority state would thus be able to
generate a higher value of CERs than non-priority projects." It is hoped that
with this simple tool, some of the investment flows within the CDM can be redi-
rected towards Least Developed Countries (LDCs), particularly on the African
continent, by creating an incentive for investors to invest in CDM projects in
those states and in those project types that are mostly being overlooked under
the current CDM regime.
As stated above, a reform of the CDM should not only focus on broadening
participation across all developing nations, but must instead also focus on
rectifying problems inherent in the make-up of the mechanism. Although the
scaling-up, expansion and redistribution measures discussed thus far will go
a long way towards ensuring more sustainable development opportunities for
Africa, any reform of the CDM must also preserve and promote the 'moral' and
environmental integrity of the mechanism because without such integrity, the
ultimate purpose of the mechanism, i.e. to combat climate change, will be un-
dermined and this may prove to bring about devastating consequences.
One criticism that has been levelled against the current CDM is that activi-
ties are not geared towards altering the energy pathways of developing states,
(there is insufficient focus on the attainment of sustainable development),
despite the fact that this is one of the dual aims of the mechanism" As such,
this criticism is levelled in the first instance against the moral integrity of the
mechanism but ultimately also undermines the environmental integrity of the
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mechanism and the climate regime as a whole. The root of this shortcoming
in the CDM is to be found in two important factors. First, as was stated above
already, those kinds of projects with high development linkages, such as energy
or transport projects, are being overlooked because activities in such areas are
often of a dispersed nature, have relatively high transaction costs, and yield
relatively low CER volumes compared to other projects." Second, a cause that
is pertinent in the African context, the assessment of a project's contribution
to sustainable development of the host nation, is left entirely up to that state.59
The reality, however, is that many African states simply lack the capacity to
assess this matter, and it appears that a project may be approved simply because
it provides investment.60
A further point of concern is the extent to which environmental integrity
of the CDM has been upheld. This concern is a complex and intricate one that
is linked to both the substantive criteria as well as the processes of the CDM.
In particular, the problem is linked to the requirement of additionality, the
consequent setting of baselines and the monitoring of actual emissions reduc-
tions achieved by the project based on this baseline and the methodologies used
to measure reductions. The additionality requirement means that 'business as
usual' activities are not to be credited with CERs. Instead, only activities that
reduce emissions of GHGs below those that would have occurred in the absence
of the CDM project can create CERs." Determining additionality, however, is a
complex procedure which involves the assessment of a hypothetical future sce-
nario. Several commentators have, in particular, noted that a significant number
of projects register as 'false positives'," with recent estimates suggesting that
additionality is questionable in up to 40 per cent of registered projects." This
implies that a carbon leakage on a scale that has the potential to undermine the
efficacy of the entire climate regime may be under way.
Furthermore, it is not only the concept of additionality itself that is based on
a hypothetical scenario, but also the implementation of the concept in practice."
In essence, it is logically impossible to accurately assess the amount of CERs
generated by a project, as such assessments will always be based on hypothetical
projections of future emissions without the project in place. As a result, much
emphasis has been placed on the integrity of methodologies used to measure
GHG reductions. Because of this emphasis, the existing bottom-up develop-
ment of methodologies by project participants has proven to be both lengthy
and cumbersome and has hampered the implementation of many projects."
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Lastly, the criterion that the CDM must be supplementary to the domestic
mitigation action of Annex I States has given rise to debates because there is
neither clear definition of supplementarity in Article 12, nor in the modalities
governing the CDM." The benefit of defining supplementarity is that it will
provide a more precise understanding of the extent to which developed states
must quantify their actions and to what extent they have acted domestically.
Sustainable development
In order to ensure that the CDM attains both of its stated goals, it will be neces-
sary to provide guidance on the concept of sustainable development so as to
ensure its environmental integrity. In this regard, it appears that one of the
major obstacles has been a lack of objective criteria against which host states
can measure projects. It is therefore proposed that, as part of the solution to
this problem, a broad definition of the concept should be established by the
Executive Board (EB) and approved by the COP/MOP. In this way, host states
are provided with an objective list of factors with which to assess the develop-
ment linkage of the project.°
It is further recommended that developing states wishing to participate in
the CDM be required to lodge a sustainable development policy with the COP/
MOP. Such a policy will have to be in line with the broad outline of sustainable
development as defined by the EB and the COP/MOP, but should also take into
consideration the specific circumstances of each country. This approach would
arguably ensure that sustainable development is afforded greater priority in the
new regime, while still giving primacy to national sovereignty.66
Additionality and baselines
One way of mitigating the effects of the additionality problem would be to
require a certain per centage of all CERs generated be retired. As an incentive to
adopt the 'CDM Gold Standard', a WWF initiative providing for a more strin-
gent set of CDM criteria, projects of this nature will not be required to discount
any CERs."
Because additionality has been difficult and costly to prove, particularly
in countries with low institutional capacities, it will be necessary to address
further reform in a way that protects the environmental integrity of the project
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whilst taking into account the African reality of severe capacity constraints.
One way of achieving this may be by shifting methodologies for baseline devel-
opment and additionality testing from a bottom-up to a top-down approach in
specific sectors, based on objective criteria such as technology penetration rates
or sectoral benchmarks, where possible?The additionality testing procedure
may also be further streamlined if the EB, together with the COP/MOP, chose
to identify certain projects as per se additional where, for instance, certain es-
tablished technologies such as wind power are used. Although these lists and
benchmarks may require some time to agree on and may be data intensive, the
long-term costs of the system would most certainly decrease"
Supplementarity
To reiterate, it is not clear to what extent Annex I States are entitled to rely on the
emission reductions created by CDM projects in order to reach their emissions
targets. Providing a clearer definition of supplementarity will help to delineate
the obligations of developed states domestically and it will therefore safeguard
the ultimately required global transformation towards low carbon economies.
As a result, it is important that this criterion becomes clearly incorporated into
Article 12, with the COP/MOP being given the authority to provide guidelines
and criteria for its quantification.
Double-counting
With regards to the proposed expanded CDM approach, particular attention
may need to be paid to a clear definition of sectors so as to avoid double-
counting.' This is due to the fact that individual project-based and sectoral
CDM activities may run concurrently.' This may be avoided by requiring that
individual projects are identified as falling within a particular sectoral activ-
ity or not. The relevant state's Designated National Authority (DNA) would be
required to assess not only sustainable development criteria, but would also
have to determine whether an individual project falls within a sectoral CDM
project?' CERs will have to be divided accordingly between government initi-
ated sectoral projects and individual activities.75 Individual actors who wish to
institute CDM projects would thus be required to undertake the additional step
of consulting with the relevant DNA so as to prevent double-counting.
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The institutional framework of the Kyoto Protocol is currently made up of the
COP/MOP, with the EB in a core role and with board-accredited Designated
Operational Entities (DOEs), private entities chosen by the project participants,
which validate the project itself, as well as the emission reductions of the project.
There are also nationally appointed DNAs which function as project approvers
for nationally determined criteria which, among others, include the sustainable
development criteria. The EB accredits DOEs and it also registers projects based
on DOE validations, and issues CERs and governs the CER registry. It further-
more exercises a quasi-judicial function by reviewing DOE assessments of the
eligibility of a project before registration?' While the governance system and the
processes to be followed in the CDM pipeline are elaborate, once again, there
has been a plethora of criticism. As stated previously, this criticism is focused
on various aspects, including institutional inefficiency, prohibitive costs, capac-
ity constraints, a lack of resources and extensive delays.
First, at present the EB is not subject to the normal political and legal
controls ordinarily applicable to a national regulatory agency and, as such, its
decision-making practice has been criticised as inefficient, inconsistent and
unpredictable." Similarly, the EB has been criticised because members are not
professionals or hired on a full-time basis, but rather tend to be government
employees with a background in negotiations rather than market regulation."
As a result, changes to the EB should be centred on professionalisation and
promoting the permanence of staff members. This would also simultaneously
address the loss of institutional memory.
Second, criticism of the EB is also centred on the activities taking place within
the system.' The double-checking of the DOE's responsibilities by the EB has
tended to be a time-consuming activity and the bottom-up development of meth-
odologies, requiring approval by the Ell, has further intensified this time lag."
The problem is even further compounded by the EB's lack of resources, which has
prevented it from meeting on a regular basis. As a result, a 'bottleneck' situation,
which has barred the timely registration of projects, has been created." Thus, a
second aim for a reformed institutional structure should be to focus on increasing
funding for the governance system and streamlining the CDM process.
Third, the relationship between the EB and DOEs has been criticised. In
particular, there are concerns regarding the independence of these DOEs from
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project participants." To counteract these concerns, the EB has been involved
in double-checking the work of DOEs, which, as already stated, has contributed
to the time lag in the registration process. The proposal presented here is, there-
fore, also geared towards a de•coupling of DOEs and the project participants.
Fourth, amendments to the governance structure and processes of the CDM
must also reflect the scaling•up of the CDM to the sectoral approach and must
focus on assisting DNAs in building capacity and expertise in assessing the sus-
tainability of CDM projects."
Implementing reforms
In order to address these challenges the following amendments to the CDM
governance system are proposed:
A central EB should be maintained so as to continue to oversee project•based
CDM activities. In addition, sectoral EBs should be established with members
being drawn from the central EB, as well as from experts in each of the relevant
sectors for which sectoral CDM activities are envisaged.** In following much
the same approach as the central EB, the sectoral EBs should be responsible
for dealing with the intricate concerns associated with implementing sectoral
CDM projects, such as additionality and baseline concerns." Sectoral EBs and
the central EB would also establish methodologies for application within the
various sectors to overcome concerns surrounding the bottom•up development
of methodologies. This would make it easier for DOEs to validate projects and
easier for the EB to assess the work of the DOEs. It is furthermore proposed that
the EBs should develop these methodologies in conjunction with a Business
Advisory Committee which would allow the EB to draw on the expertise avail-
able in the private market. The EBs will also identify activities which may be
considered to be per se additional, subject to approval by the COP/MOP."
Additional, mandatory funding from Anna I States should be required as a
necessary contribution in order to increase the staff of the EB, to create sectoral
EBs, and to contribute towards the establishment and maintenance of the overall
institutional framework by ensuring greater permanence of staff members."
The EBs should concentrate on monitoring the independence and imparti-
ality of DOEs, as well as whether DOEs have adequately followed the validation
protocol." To ensure that the work done by DOEs continues to meet standards
of environmental integrity, the EB should conduct periodical reviews of DOE
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activities. It is recommended further that project developers should have a right
of appeal against the rejection of projects from DOE decisions and that DOES
should, in future, be appointed by EBs, rather than by the project participants
themselves to prevent any conflict of interest by DOE staff.
Under the proposed CDM model, the role of DNAs would remain much the
same. However, some reforms in this respect will be necessary to assist those
states, many of which are African states, which do not yet have DNAs, or only
have inexperienced DNAs. In order to facilitate capacity-building, training and
education at the DNA level, capacity-building facilitators should implement
training programmes. Thus, an acceptable and standardised level of work will
be promoted and maintained and the concerns around approval of unsustain-
able projects may be averted?
It may be arguable that the introduction of additional bodies such as sectoral
EBs and the advisory committee to the present framework will create unneces-
sary complexity within the structure. There is, however, a marked trend in inter-
national law towards more complex institutions which is, to some extent, justi-
fied by the need to address the ever-increasing complexity of environmental law
problems and the society it aims to govern. The CDM is a complex and nuanced
mechanism which requires the consideration of many factors and interests. It is
hoped that the changes suggested here will facilitate this, and may even do so in a
way that substantially streamlines the validation and compliance process.
No proposed amendment of the CDM would be complete without a review of
the Adaptation Fund (AF), the precious child of the CDM, financed by a two per
cent levy upon all CDM transactions? The fund is, in effect, a private sector tax
and has proven to be unique amongst climate-change funds because of the scale
of its revenues. Indeed, the revenue generated from the CDM levy until 2012
alone is projected to be between US$160 million and US$950 million, while the
funding presently given to, or pledged by donor countries to, the other two cli-
mate-change funds created by the UNFCCC, is only around US$170 million?'
It will thus provide a vital source for adaptation funding.
In order to adequately manage and disburse the AF funds, the following sug-
gestions are made on improving the governance structure of the AF, as well as the
scope of its funding activities:
156
EFTA01090257
The Global Environmental Facility and
governance of the Adaptation Fund
The structure and governance of the AF need to be reviewed, currently they
are not adequately addressing the needs of adaptation in developing countries.
First, most funding from the Global Environmental Facility (GEF) for adapta-
tion has taken place only to the point of enabling activities known as Stage I
and II activities, such as vulnerability and adaptation studies to support na-
tional communications." Stage III adaptation activities, activities that facilitate
adequate adaptation, including insurance and other adaptation measures as
envisaged by Article 4(I)(b) and Article 4(4)," have not been funded by the GEF
in the climate change focal area, other than on a pilot basis."
Second, the funding has primarily been directed towards larger developing
countries that are best able to penetrate the GEF bureaucracy to access fund-
ing.93 Furthermore, access to AF funding has proven to be prohibitive for de-
veloping countries because of the difficulty in proving 'incremental costs' and
'global environmental benefits' in the context of adaptation."
Third, it appears that, despite there being 'direct authority' of the COP/MOP
over the GEF's management of the AF, as opposed to mere 'guidance', this has
not had any substantial effect on the structure of authority within the GEF.97
Additionally, despite voting within the GEF now being subject to 'one country,
one vote', it is still possible that divergent interests may affect the vote. As a
result, predominately financial or Official Development Assistance concerns
continue to take precedence over environmental concerns"
It is unlikely that the GEF or any other host institution would accept the COP/
MOP as a full replacement for the GEF assembly or its respective decision-making
body." Furthermore, it would be unwise to remove the financial and develop-
ment expertise offered by the GEF from a decision-making body.1" It appears,
however, that there is a need to ensure that the theoretical authority granted to
the COP/MOP is translated into reality. An ideal amendment would thus be to
integrate COP/MOP interests into the executive decisions of the AF by delegat-
ing a number of interest group representatives from the COP/MOP to participate
in the decision-making process. In order to do so, a new COP/MOP Adaptation
Fund Committee (AFC) should be created to represent these interests.1"
Under this new structure, an Adaptation Fund Executive Council (AFEC)
would serve as the governing body of the AF. This body would be representative
MONOGRAPH 167
157
EFTA01090258
of two separate bodies acting together. The first would be the AFC which, upon
determination of the COP/MOP, would either be made up of Kyoto Protocol
Parties chosen to represent certain COP/MOP constituencies, or of individu-
als chosen for their expertise which would represent the COP/MOP as a whole
with a decision-making status equal to all other members, if any, of the AFEC.
The second body would be created by the host institution executive body which
would act jointly with the AFC. They would thus meet and take decisions jointly
as the AFEC.
In order to safeguard against 'backroom deals' by the representatives of
powerful countries beyond the control of the weaker constituents, it is also
proposed that initiatives and referenda for members of the COP/MOP be intro-
duced.N2 COP/MOP parties will thus have both the right to vote on AF issues as
well as the right to table motions for the AFEC and to force a ballot whether or
not they are members of the AFEC.IW
Extending the range of the Adaptation Fund
To address the lack of funding for adaptation while at the same time recognising
the difficulty in realising national financial commitments, it is recommended that
the future AF be expanded. This could be achieved by broadening the scope of the
two per cent levy so as to apply it to the other two flexible mechanisms, i.e. Joint
Implementation and Emissions Trading. Further methods of enhancing funding
for adaptation could also include increased funding from public expenditures and
development bank loans and tax incentives that would attract more foreign direct
investment in terms of capital, technology and skills, and which would enhance
domestic abilities to mitigate and adapt to climate change.
The additional funds that would be available to the AF, if the funding sources
were to be expanded, could be used not only to fund adaptation activities, but
also to address capacity-constraint issues. This could be done by financing
developing countries that are unable to fund the creation of their framework
sustainable development policy under the protocol as well as to support sus-
tainable development projects that fall outside of the CDM. It would also serve
as a resource to finance capacity-building facilitators. As a way of encouraging
sustainable development policies and measures (SDPAMs) outside of the CDM,
the funds could also give preferential access to those countries who have dem-
onstrated efforts to implement SDPAMS.
158
EFTA01090259
CONCLUSION
Institutional capacity and expanded opportunities are the bottom line for im-
plementing the CDM in Africa. The proposals made in this chapter were there-
fore focused on improving capacity and expanding the CDM to provide this
opportunity for the African continent. However, given the need for emboldened
action on climate change and the many other issues that have hampered the
realisation of the goals of the CDM, this contribution has also aimed to provide
suggestions with the view to improving and streamlining the CDM process
and institutional structures, and has sought to address funding constraints and
problems arising out of the nature of the CDM as a market mechanism.
Regardless of whether any of the proposals made in this chapter would in-
fluence the structure of a post•Kyoto framework or merely open policymakers,
legislators, or negotiators' eyes to new solutions and perspectives, our ultimate
goal remains to find a comprehensive solution to the climate crisis. Given the
statistics and scientific information on climate change and the potentially dev-
astating threats it poses to humanity, to the very survival of our species and
that of many other species sharing the ecological space with us, the urgency
with which such a solution must be crafted calls for innovative and courageous
new ideas. In this endeavour, the role of Africa cannot be overlooked. It is our
sincere hope that some of the suggestions made herein will find their way into
the future protocol and that they may go a long way towards crafting a protocol
for sustainable development in Africa and, ultimately, secure the sustainability
of humanity's impact on the planet.
NOTES
Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, II
December 1997, UN Doc. FCCCJCP/1997a.7/Add.1 (entered into force 16 Feb 2005), reprinted
in 37 ILM 22.
2
B Metz, O Davidson, P Bosch. R Dave and L Meyer. Climate Change 2007: Mitigation, 2007.
published for the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. http://www.ipcc.ch/ipccrep-
ortstard.wg3.htm, (accessed 10 December 2008). This increase is based on the global warming
potential of the gases controlled under the Kyoto Protocol. and does not include ozone de-
pleting substances regulated under the Montreal Protocol. Id. Ozone-depleting substances
also contribute to global warming. By reducing emissions of those substances. the Montreal
MONOGRAPH 167
159
EFTA01090260
Protocol has already had a much larger impact on climate change mitigation than the Kyoto
Protocol is likely to achieve.
3
Metz et al, Climate change 2007: mitigation, III.
1
A Cosbey. I Parry, J Browne, Y Bab% P Bhandari, J Drexhage and D Murphy, Realizing the devel.
opment dividend: making the CDM work for developing countries phase 1 report, International
Institute for Sustainable Development. 2005. httpd/www.iisd.org (accessed 23 November 2008).
5
The World Bank. State and trends of the carbon market 2008. May 2008. httpd/siteresources.
worldbank.orENEWS/Resources/State&Trendsformatted06Mayl0pm.pdf (accessed 26 Novem-
ber 2008); IETA, State of the CDM 2008: facilitating a smooth transition into a mature environ-
mental financing mechanism, International Emissions Trading Association. 2008.7.
6 Ibid.
7
Ibid.
8
A Cosbey et al, Realizing the development dividend, 2: P Nelson. An African dimension to the
Clean Development Mechanism: finding a path to sustainable development in the energy sector,
Denver Journal of International Law and Policy. 32(4) (2003-2004). 615-652. 615; C Figueres,
Sectoral CDM: opening the yet unrealized goal of sustainable development. McGill International
Journal of Sustainable Development Law and Polity 2 (2006). 5. 7-12: W Sterk and B Wittneben,
Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral approaches: definitions, appli-
cations and ways forward. International Environmental Agreements 6 (2006), 271.276-278.
9 Ibid.
10 D Murphy. A Cosbey and J Drexhage. Market mechanisms for sustainable development in a
post-2012 climate regime, in K Olsen and J Fenhann (eds), A reformed CDM - including new
mechanisms for sustainable development, UNEP Perspectives Series (2008). 9, 9-13.
11 M Nigoir, The Clean Development Mechanism: does the current structure facilitate Kyoto
Protocol compliance. The Georgetown International Environmental Law Review 18 (2005-
2006), 249, 258: Sterk and Wittneben. Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through
sectoral approaches: definitions. applications and ways forward, 275.
12 ICF Consulting.Third overall performance study of the GEF, final report. 30 lune 2005, httpdi
www.iwleam.nettpublications/mne/ops/Publications-OPS3_complete_report.pdf, 13.
13 Art 12 Kyoto Protocol.
14 Art 12 (2) Kyoto Protocol: For an elementary explanation of the CDM and its processes also
see Nigoti, The Clean Development Mechanism; C Carr and F Rosembuj, Flexible mechanisms
for climate change compliance: emission offset purchases under the Clean Development
Mechanism, N.Y. U. Environmental Law Journal 16 (2007), 43, 45.
15 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, Report of the Conference of the Parties on its
Seventh Session, held at Marrakech from 29 Oct to 10 Nov 2001, Add. Decision 17/CP.7, UN
Doc. FCCC/CP/2001,113/Add.2 (21 Jan 2002).
160
EFTA01090261
ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS j KOTZE
16 Nigoff. The Clean Development Mechanism; Carr and Rosembuj, Flexible mechanisms for
climate change compliance; I Estapa, Flexibility Mechanisms in the Kyoto Protocol: consti-
tutive elements and challenges ahead, Revue Generale de Droit 32 (2001), 107; C Hart, The
Clean Development Mechanism: considerations (or investors and policymakers, Sustainable
Development Law and Policy 7 (2006-2007),11.
17 The G77/China has often, for example. expressed the view that quantified, binding commit-
ments would be inappropriate (or them given the need for urgent social and economic devel-
opment. and rapid population growth. See, for instance, the UN Framework Convention on
Climate Change meeting of Subsidiary Bodies in Bonn 2007. where 'voluntary commitments
(or developing countries were proposed. See also the discussions on item 10 in the run-up
to the formation of the Kyoto Protocol. J Depledge, Tracing the origins of the Kyoto Protocol:
an article-by-article textual history, Technical paper, FCCOTP/200012, 25 November 2000.
http://unfccc.int/resource/docutp/tp0200.pdf (accessed 23 November 2008).
18 Ibid, para 177.
19 The suggestions of these various (actors constitute an amalgamation of the proposals submit-
ted in the numerous literary analyses on the subject. A Torvanger, G Bang, H Kolshus. and J
Vevatne. Broadening the climate regime: design and feasibility of multi-stage climate agree-
ments, CICERO Report, 2005, http://www.cicero.uio.no/publications/detail.asepublication_
id=36048dang=en, (accessed 26 November 2008), 2; Swedish Environmental Protection
Agency. Kyoto and beyond: issues and options in the global responses to climate change. 2002:
J Gupta, Engaging developing countries in climate change: kiss and wake-up!. in D Michel
(ed), Climate policy for the 21st century: meeting the long-term challenge of global warming,
Washington, D.C: Centre for Transatlantic Relations, 2004.233-264.
20 Intensity levels would mean measuring emissions as a per centage (instead of an absolute
amount) of below an anticipated 'business as usual' baseline.
21 Action targets would require reductions equal to an agreed per centage of emissions of actual
rather than projected emissions. The reduction requirement is based on actual rather than
projected emissions.
22 This is similar to the proposal of Torvanger et al, Broadening the climate regime: design and
feasibility of multi-stage climate agreements.
23 For example, at the 2007 Thirteenth Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC, developing
countries (or the first time committed to taking 'nationally appropriate mitigation actions' to
address climate change, provided that they receive sufficient financial, technical, and capacity-
building support to do so. Both the mitigation actions and the provision of support would be
'measurable, reportable and verifiable'. This marks an important evolution of thinking among
the G-77 and China. See the Bali Action Plan, para (1)(b)(i). Decision 1/CP.13. UN Doc. FCCC1
CP/2007/6/Add.1 (March 2008).
21 Carbon Positive, South Africa sets emissions limits, http://www.carbonpositive.netkiewarti-
cle.aspx?artidelD=1176 (accessed 20 January 2009).
MONOGRAPH 167
161
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25 Stern Review. The Economics of Climate Change, Executive Luminary. 2006. vii http://www.
hm-treasury.gov.uldmedia/8A8/O/Summary
Condusions.pdf (accessed II May 2008).
26 See UNFCCC. Investment and financial flows to address climate change: an update, 2008.
(FCCC/TP/2008/7), http://unfccc.int/fileacooperation_and_supporUfinancial_mechanism/
applicationipdf/adaptation.pdf (accessed 10 December 2008).
27 Ibid; M Ward, C Streck, H Winkler, M lung. M Hagemann, N Hohne, R O'Sullivan, The role of
Sector No-Lose Targets in scaling up finance for mitigation activities in developing countries.
UK DEFRA, (2008), 18.
28 Ibid.
29 M Bosi and J Ellis, Exploring options for sectoral crediting mechanisms, OECD Environmental
Directorate and International Energy Agency (2005). I.
30 W Sterk and B Wittneben. Addressing opportunities and challenges of a sectoral approach to
the Clean Development Mechanism, JIKO Policy Paper, Wuppertal Institute (2005). 5.
31 M Ward et al, The role of Sector No-Lose Targets in scaling up finance for mitigation activities
in developing countries. 27.
32 Ibid.
33 J Lewis and E Diringer, Policy-based commitments in a post-2012 climate framework - A
working paper. Pew Centre on Global Climate Change, (May 2007).13; Figueres, Sectoral CDM:
opening the yet unrealized goal of sustainable development. 14-16.
34 Sterk and Wittneben. Addressing opportunities and challenges of a sectoral approach to the
Clean Development Mechanism. 12-13.
35 The main difference between sectoral CDM and SNLTs is that the technicalities referring to
baselines. monitoring and verification, as well as the supervision and approval by the CDM
Executive Board. would be maintained under a sectoral CDM. while the national sector base-
line for a SNLT would be negotiated at the COP/MOP level.
36 See generally Bosi and Ellis, Exploring options for sectoral crediting mechanisms: 2.1 Ward. A new
scaling up mechanism for developing countries in K Olsen and l Fenhann (eds).A reformed CDAf
- including new mechanisms for sustainable development. UNEP Perspectives Series (2008), 147.
37 Ward et al. The role of sector no-lose targets in scaling up finance for mitigation activities in
developing countries, 28.
38 Ibid.
39 Sterk and Wittneben, Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral ap-
proaches:, 93.
40 Ibid. C Okereke, P Mann. H Osbahr. B Muller and J Ebeling. Assessment of key negotiation
issues at Nairobi climate COP/MOP and what it means for the future climate regime, Tyndall
Centre for Climate Research, Working Paper 106. June 2007, 20.
162
EFTA01090263
41 Ibid.
42 P Cutlet and P Kameri-Mbote. Joint implementation and forestry projects, International
Affairs 74 (1998). 393, 399.
43 C Okereke et al, Assessment of key negotiation issues at Nairobi climate COP/MOP and what
it means for the future climate regime, 20.
44 P Nelson, An African dimension to the Clean Development Mechanism. 629.
45 M Rocha, LULUCF under CDM: is there a role or even a future in a post-2012 regime, in
K Olsen and J Fenhann (eds). A reformed CDM - including new mechanisms for sustainable
development, UNEP Perspectives Series (2008). 173.173.
46 Ibid.
47 See, for example. Emissions trading and the Project Based Mechanisms, 2008. UNFCCC
FCCOKP/AWG/2008/1..12.
48 UNEP Risoe Centre, CDM pipeline overview. 2007, http://cdmpipeline.orgipublicationsi
CDMpipeline.xls. (accessed 5 December 2008).
49 C Hart, K Watanbe, K Joon Song and X Li. East Asia Clean Development Mechanism: en-
gaging East Asian countries in sustainable development and climate regulation through the
CDM, Georgetown International Environmental Law Review 20 (2008), 645, 645.
50 Murphy et al, Markel mechanisms for sustainable development in a post-2012 climate regime.
13.
SI Hart et al. East Asia Clean Development Mechanism: engaging East Asian countries in sus-
tainable development and climate regulation through the CDM. 645.
52 Ibid.
53 Ibid.
54 Ibid.
55 Cosbey el al, Realizing the development dividend, 13, 40.
56 For example, a priority project in a priority state could generate I CER per tCO' reduced whilst a
priority project in a non-priority state could generate 0.9 CERs per tCO' reduced. Consequently,
a non-priority project in a non-priority state would only generate 0.8 CERs per tCCI2 reduced.
57 W Sterk, From Clean Development Mechanism to sectoral crediting approaches- way forward
or wrong turn, JIKO Policy Paper, Wuppertal Institute, (2008), 8.
58 Ibid. 6.
59 Ibid. 8.
60 Ibid: M Nigoff, The Clean Development Mechanism, 256; Sterk and Wittneben, Enhancing the
Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral approaches, 276.
MONOGRAPH 167
163
EFTA01090264
61 FCCOKP/CMP/2005,81Add.1 par 43.
62 See the commentators listed in G Elabed and B Leguet. A reformed CDM to increase supply:
room for action, in K Olsen and f Fenhann (ads), A reformed CDM - including new mechanisms
for sustainable development, UNEP Perspectives Series (2008).73.80.
63 W Sterk, From Clean Development Mechanism to sectoral crediting approaches. 7; L Schneider,
Is the CDM fulfilling its environmental and sustainable development objective? An evaluation
of the CDM and options for improvement, Berlin: Oka-Institut (2007), 40-44.
64 Stark, From Clean Development Mechanism to sectoral crediting approaches. 7.
65 Stark and Wittneben, Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral ap-
proaches. 275.
66 Article 12(3)(b) Kyoto Protocol; T Langrock and W Stark. The supplementary challenge: CDM,
J1 and EU Emissions Trading. WO Policy Paper, Wuppertal Institute. (2004), 7;
Sterk and Wittneben, Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral ap-
proaches. 280.
67 It is recognised that developing countries thus far have been emphatic about having the sover-
eign determination over what constitutes sustainable development. However. it is submitted that
the risk to environmental integrity of the process is too great to allow these sovereignty concerns
to take precedence. To some extent perhaps a compromise could be reached by providing for
a collaborative process whereunder the ER's would determine together with discussions with
parties as to how these guidelines would apply and perhaps be tailored to meet the needs of
individual states. Sustainable development could be defined along the following broad criteria:
income generation, environmental sustainability.employment generation, capacity building and
technological development. C Figueres, Sectoral CDM: opening the yet unrealized goal of sus-
tainable development. 10-11. and A Cosbey et al. Realizing the development dividend: making
the CDM work for developing countries phase 1 Report. 15. set out a possible list of criteria that
could be used to assess sustainability.
68 A Cosbey et al, Realizing the development dividend, 44.
69 Ibid. 40.
70 Elabed and Leguet. A reformed CDM to increase supply, 80.
71 Ibid.
72 Sterk and Wittneben, Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral ap-
proaches. 283.
73 W Sterk, From Clean Development Mechanism to sectoral crediting approaches, 17.
74 Bosi and Ellis, Exploring options for sectoral crediting mechanisms, 9: Sterk and Wittneben.
Addressing opportunities and challenges of a sectoral approach to the Clean Development
Mechanism, 9-10: For a more detailed discussion on double counting see S Bygrave and M
164
EFTA01090265
Bosi, Linking project-based mechanisms with domestic greenhouse gas emissions trading
schemes, OECD/IEA information paper. 2004.
75 This is similar to the 'nested approach' as identified by Ward et al. The role of sector no-lose
targets in scaling up finance for mitigation activities in developing countries. 69.
76 For a detailed exposition of the actors and processes of the CDM seem Nigoff, The Clean
Development Mechanism.
77 C Streck and J Lin, Making markets work a review of CDM performance and the need for
reform, European Journal of International Law 409 at 410, 2008.
78 Ibid at 424.
79 Elabed and Leguet. A reformed CDM to increase supply. 78.
80 Sterk and Wittneben, Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral ap-
proaches. 275: Nigoff, The Clean Development Mechanism, 257.
81 Nigoff. The Clean Development Mechanism, 258; Sterk and Wittneben, Enhancing the Clean
Development Mechanism through sectoral approaches. 275.
82 1 Schneider, Is the CDM fulfilling its environmental and sustainable development objective?, 20.
83 For more information on the distribution of DNAs within Africa, see D Lesolle, Perspectives
from Africa on a reformed CDM, in K Olsen and J Fenhann (eds), A reformed CDM - indud-
Mg new mechanisms for sustainable development, UNEP Perspectives Series (2008), 35.
84 A Cosbey et al, Realizing the development dividend. 45.
85 Sterk and Wittneben, Enhancing the Clean Development Mechanism through sectoral ap-
proaches. 281-284.
86 Policies could be considered additional by virtue of their decided GHG-reduction effect.
Individual activities under such policies would then also not have to be submitted to any other
additionality test. Figueres, Sectoral CDM. 22.
87 Nigoff, The Clean Development Mechanism, 272; Cosbey et al, Realizing the development
dividend, 29.
88 Elabed and Leguet. A reformed CDM to increase supply. 81.
89 Ibid.
90 Art 12 (8), Kyoto Protocol.
91 B Muller, Nairobi 2006: trust and the future of adaptation funding. Oxford Institute for Energy
Studies (2007), 3.
92 See the Report on the Assessment of Funding Necessary to Assist Developing Countries
in Fulfilling their Commitments under the Convention Prepared in the Context of the
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090266
Memorandum of Understanding between the Conference of the Parties and the Council of
the Global Environment Facility (FCCGSBU2004/18.21 October 2004), 9.
93 M Mace, Funding for adaptation to climate change: UNFCCC and GEF developments since
COP-7, Review of European Conununityand International Environmental Law 14(3) (2005), 225,
232; Report of the Conference of the Parties on its First Session, held at Berlin from 28 Mardi to 7
April 1995 (FCCCJCP/1995/7/Ad4.1,6 June 1995): see, specifically. Initial Guidance on Policies,
Programme Priorities and Eligibility Criteria to the Operating Entity or Entities of the Financial
Mechanism (Decision 11/CP.1, 1995).
94 Mace, Funding for Adaptation to Climate Change: UNFCCC and GEF Developments since
COP-7, 232.
95 Third overall performance study of the GEE Final report, httpJ/www.iwlearn.netlpublications/
mne/ops/Publications-OPS3_complete_report.pdf, (ICF Consulting. 30 June 2005), 13.
96 Mace. Funding for adaptation to climate change. 2311be incremental cost concept is problem-
atic in the context of adaptation, as most adaptation projects are adopted for their local benefits.
rather than their 'global environmental benefits'.
97 B Muller. Nairobi 2006,21.
98 Ibid, 16. Official development assistance (ODA) is a category of development aid. The term
applies to aid from the members of Development Assistance Committee of the OECD to devel-
oping countries.
99 'bid, 23.
100 Ibid, 3.
101 In line with the 'management committee envisaged in the G77 and China questionnaire.
102 B Muller. Nairobi 2006.5.
103 Ibid. For the current practice, see OECD Meeting: ODA eligibility issues for expenditures
under the Clean Development Mechanism, DAC/CHAIR(2004)4/FINAL 30 April 2004, http•Il
wwin.oecd org/dataoeed/12/47/33657913.pdf (accessed 10 December 2008): Mace, Funding for
Adaptation to Climate Change. 242.
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EFTA01090271
The clean development
mechanism and forestry
projects in Cameroon
The case of forestry projects in Cameroon
ABSTRACT
This chapter examines the potential which the Clean Development Mechanism
(CDM) offers for the reduction of carbon dioxide emissions in Africa. In doing
so, the paper investigates the CDM's conditionality drawn from the provisions
of the Kyoto Protocol itself, literature on the subject, and certain decisions of
the Conference of the Parties (COP) to the protocol. This conditionality is ex-
amined within the context of African forest projects in general, and Cameroon
forest projects in particular. The chapter condudes that there are a number of
legal concerns under the protocol which require review if the objectives of the
CDM are to be achieved, and proposes that a better option to climate change
governance mechanism would consist of complementing project development
with litigation.
INTRODUCTION
One of the most serious environmental and development challenges of this
millennium is undoubtedly a change in the climate systems of the world.
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Consequently, climate change has suddenly vaulted to the top of the global
agenda. This is traceable to global initiatives intended to address the climate
change phenomenon, its causes and adverse effects on common concerns of hu-
mankind. One such leading global agreement is the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) signed in 1992 as one of the out-
comes of the Rio Conference on Environment and Development. To ensure the
observance and enforcement of the UNFCCC, the international community
converged in Kyoto and, with the exception of some major industrialised world
powers, adopted the Kyoto Protocol.
The principal focus of the Kyoto Protocol is climate change. Climate change
refers to the potential response of the earth's climate system to altered concen-
trations of greenhouse gases (GHGs) in the atmosphere.' There is consensus
among scientists that the balance of evidence suggests that there is a discernible
human influence on global climate change.2 The principal anthropogenic GHG
responsible for climate change is carbon dioxide (CO2) from fossil-fuel based
economies and deforestation from developing countries, including African
countries.' The result is that these and other emissions pose a threat to hu-
mankind and environmental resources in equal measure. The Kyoto Protocol
attempts to address the global overall emission of GHGs through a number of
provisions on mitigation. This is, inter cilia, through the Clean Development
Mechanism (CDM) which is one of the three flexible mechanisms under that
protocol.' The protocol, through its CDM, makes provision for investment by
developed countries and their industrial legal entities in projects related to
carbon emission reduction and carbon sequestration in developing countries,
which would include Africa.5 While these projects will enable developed coun-
tries (the so-called Annex 1 countries) to meet Kyoto emission reduction and
quantified emission limitation targets, they should contribute to sustainable
development in developing countries (so-called non-Annex 1 countries)!
The CDM, therefore, possesses some potential for climate change mitiga-
tion in Africa. Referring to African forestry projects in general, and Cameroon
forestry projects in particular, this chapter commences with an investigation
into legal conditionality or requirements under the Kyoto Protocol for the
CDM mechanism, and attempts to assess the extent to which African forestry
projects in general, and Cameroon forestry projects in particular, could play a
role in the CDM context. The chapter then proceeds to examine the challenges
to the attainment of the CDM conditionality provisions, and explores some
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opportunities and benefits that may arise from an effective implementation of
the CDM conditionality. The chapter suggests that, to reap such benefits, the
continent must harness some legal responses that may enhance progress in the
direction of the implementation of CDM forestry projects.
The CDM and the other flexible mechanisms are market•based mechanisms that
allow countries to buy and sell allowances of carbon credits created through
emission reduction projects. Prior to the issuance of certified emission reduc-
tions by the CDM Executive Board, CDM projects must meet a certain number
of conditions. These conditions or requirements are contained in the protocol
itself,' in subsequent Decisions* arrived at during the Conference and Meeting
of Parties and in some analytical and critical climate change literature on
modalities and procedure.9 The current CDM requirements may be subsumed
under the following headings: eligibility or fitness, additionality or added value,
acceptability, externalities and certification. In fact, these are the conditions
under which all projects qualify as CDM projects in developing countries. It is
these conditions that are examined seriatim in the sections below by drawing
examples from forestry projects in Africa and Cameroon.
Eligibility or fitness
Two dimensions of issues relating to land eligible for CDM projects in Africa are
discernible, namely: the suitability of the forest within the definition of `forest'
provided by the host country as required by the Conference of the Parties,10 and
the type of forestry activity."
The suitability of the forest
With regard to the suitability of the forest, the Conference of the Parties,
through their Decisions (11/CP.7 and 19/CP.9), require countries to define and
choose ranges for national threshold values of crown cover, tree height and
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minimum land area. It is further required that these values be determined and
communicated to the executive board of CDM by the Designated National
Authority (DNA) of the host country. The Forestry Law' of Cameroon, for in-
stance, defines forest as: Vijny land covered by vegetation with a predominance
of trees, shrubs and other species capable of providing products other than
agricultural produce.'" In spite of the fact that the conception of this defini-
tion by the Cameroonian forestry legislator came at a time when negotiations
leading to the Kyoto Protocol were only just commencing, it must be noted that
today this definition does not consider issues like crown cover, tree height and
minimum land area as required by the CDM fitness criterion. In addition, the
requirement of choosing single values each for crown cover calls for empirical
and mathematical formulae entailing meticulous data analysis of CO2 seques-
tration potential of various forest types for African countries." This complicates
the definition of 'forest' within the CDM rules and forces many countries's out
of the eligibility requirement. To meet this arm of the eligibility requirement,
Cameroon is therefore still required to clarify and communicate the definition
of 'forest' to the executive board of the CDM.
Type of forestry activity
The second dimension of the eligibility criterion turns on the type of forestry ac-
tivity. For this, the categories are closed, at least for the first commitment period
of the Kyoto Protocol. They indude afforestation and reforestation (AIR) activi-
ties.16 These activities have been considered the dominant mitigation options" by
the Kyoto Regime. Afforestation under the CDM rules would mean planting trees
on land that has been below all the threshold values, including crown cover, tree
height and minimum land area of the host country's definition, for a period of at
least 50 years." Reforestation by the same rules entails planting on land that has
been below the threshold value since 31 December 198929
Some authors have forcefully argued that afforestation and reforestation
projects (or sink projects) make sense in Africa in the light of the sometimes
severe land degradation that occurs, and because of the heavy dependence on
wood resources for people's livelihoods.10 While this argument may be tenable,
it is unfortunate that many African countries have not or are unlikely to regard
the argument in a similar light. Perhaps, for purposes of meeting the CDM
eligibility requirement, these countries must rethink their position. For this
to happen, however, countries must also surrender heavy reliance on external
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funding for AIR projects. Fortunately, the Conference of the Parties, in Decision
No 14/CP.I0 and Decision No I9/CP.9, have simplified the modalities to what
is now known as small-scale afforestation and reforestation projects intended
to facilitate implementation. For these projects to qualify, therefore, the host
country needs to approve that the project developers are low-income communi-
ties or individuals. This is a clear indication that the CDM requirements are
framed basically for micro-level projects which, of course, is a potential which
should be exploited by African countries.
Most forestry projects operating in African countries in the recent past have
been structured around community participation in forest management for
sustainability,21 resulting from various national laws on procedure of acquisition
and management. In fact, the community forestry project in Cameroon may to
an extent be identified with the CDM project, as it is acquired and managed by
village communities living on less than half a dollar a day and who are involved
in small AIR projects in their compartment programs within their community
forestry management plan as required by law." The government has, however,
not clearly determined the criteria that would define such a community as
required by Decision I4/CP.10. It simply states that a community should be a
village community neighbouring the forest." Again, within the context of the
Decision above, individuals involved in private forestry projects envisaged by
the Cameroon Forestry Law" could also qualify under this CDM conditional-
ity. They are, in addition, people living on less than half a dollar a day. In any
case, for such small-scale AIR to qualify for CDM, they must result in net GHG
removal by sinks of less than eight kilotonnes of CO, per year during the credit-
ing period.
Additionality or added value
Under this head, emission reduction or sequestration must be 'additional' to any
that would occur in the absence of the proposed projects in accordance with the
CDM modalities and procedure." Considered otherwise, additionality means
that projects must result in a net storage of carbon and thus a net removal of
carbon from the atmosphere.36 Additionality may take various dimensions.
Programme additionality, for instance, may imply that emissions reduction
is additional to emissions stipulated by law in the host country. Additionality
may also be investment in nature, whereas a project might justify added value
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by showing that the creation of carbon offsets will entail cost that would not
be incurred in the `business as usual' opportunity. However, this may not be
considered as a requirement per se. Finally, financial additionality requires that
funding for the implementation of projects must not come from overseas devel-
opment or funds from environmental assistance.
Throughout Africa, and in Cameroon in particular, legal issues that are likely
to influence additionality as a CDM requirement could be articulated around
land tenure policies, forest resource rights, and risk management regulations.
Land tenure policies
Land tenure reforms in most African countries after independence have led to
much confusion. In Cameroon, for example, land tenure legislation" provides
that land belongs to the state. Yet in terms of customary law, local communi-
ties own land and the generalised nature of ownership in this respect is that
of collective land ownership. The result is that, as the government grants titles
as evidence of ownership, the local traditional chiefs, who today in Cameroon
wield political powers in addition to their natural ritual powers, may also
establish elements of sovereignty over land ownership and management. A
natural result is that some people may hide behind the state ownership provi-
sion to access and enjoy land at the local level, thereby ignoring the authority
of local chiefs. Some authors have argued that this kind of confusion arising
from national and local level overlaps may not favour carbon project uptake
and management.28
Forest resources rights and risk management regulations
To meet the additionality requirement, rights to forest products must be
clearly defined by law. If communities can clearly determine their entitle-
ments or benefits to carbon, this will encourage proper investment and
commitment to increase carbon sinks and sequestration. Generally, African
forestry projects involving communities have hardly stipulated clear and
precise provisions on benefits to local communities from forest management.
In Cameroon, for example, the forest does not stride scum belong to the
communities, but communities are entitled to forest products resulting from
their activities as provided for by the 1994 Forestry Law. The latter law also
provides that forest products of all kinds resulting from the management of
community forests shall belong solely to the village communities concerned."
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A prima facie reading of this provision gives one the impression that even
carbon sequestration belongs to the communities involved in AIR projects.
Unfortunately, the same law provides that forest products comprise mainly
wood and non-wood products as well as wildlife and fishery resources derived
from the forest.J0 The law further lists certain forest products, and concludes
by stating that the list of special forest products shall be fixed, as and when
necessary, by the competent ministry." This may be problematic since the list
of special products is not closed and can be extended at the discretion of the
minister concerned; it implies that carbon services could be included into the
list of special products. Should this happen in the community forest or CDM
projects, communities would be frustrated. Consequently, it is unlikely that
they would risk investment for carbon sequestration, more so because they
are unlikely to bring an action against the state in any court in such circum-
stances, as this would be substantially and procedurally very difficult." Worse
still, the minister reserves a right to suspend or terminate the community's
forest management agreement." The investment risk is accordingly multiplied
in this case. A crucial question, then, is what becomes of the certified emission
process in any of the cases above? The foregoing analysis notwithstanding, it
can be submitted that, in any event, the provisions of the law are so clear, i.e.
'forest products of all kind' that a subsequent ministerial decision should not
prevail over the law. This suggestion is predicated on the fact that, according
to the hierarchy of legal norms, such a ministerial decision would not over-
ride the provisions of the law.
CDM projects involve investment by developed countries or their legal enti-
ties in projects in developing countries. However, a lot of caution needs to be
exercised in terms of resource risk minimisation. Forest fires have always been
the principal cause of African forest destruction and pose several risks to po-
tential CDM projects." Forest fires are often caused by communities as they use
them as a clearing technique for subsistence agriculture, provoking fresh grass
growth for cattle, and hunting, especially in the mountainous forest regions of
Africa." As a matter of fact, community crops and forests are usually exten-
sively destroyed by fire. Consequently, there is need for harmonised policies
and strategies" to address problems caused by fire because, if not, a difference
in fire-fighting techniques would have far-reaching implications for carbon for-
estry projects, as this may discourage investors' confidence in carbon forestry
in the host country.
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Acceptability
For carbon emission reduction projects in developing countries to qualify as
CDM projects, a number of criteria must be fulfilled. They include sustainable
development, consistency and conformity with international legal instruments.
There must also be an evaluation of the AIR CDM projects in connection with
risks associated with the use of potentially invasive alien species or genetically
modified organisms (GMOs). These criteria are considered below.
Sustainable development considerations
The Kyoto Protocol is firm on the sustainable development criterion." The
Conference of the Parties" also reiterates the fulfilment of this criterion for
projects to be acceptable under the CDM. In this respect, therefore, African
countries in general, and Cameroon in particular, must have clearly articulated
criteria for sustainable development if the objective is to have forestry projects
fall under the CDM regime. Of course, the fulfilment of this criterion may not be
easy given the sustainable development problematique debate which pitches the
concept as a goal, an objective; a process against rules, principles, procedures,
and an emerging umbrella of environmental and related rights." Furthermore,
sustainable development considerations have posed numerous problems, and
some writers have taken the view that it is a paradox as it requires bringing
together irreconcilable ecocentric and anthropocentric principles.*
This notwithstanding, Cameroon has defined sustainable development cri-
teria for project assessment under the CDM." Unfortunately, these criteria have
not yet been tested on any carbon forestry project. Therefore, the challenges in
this respect that projects that are approved actually contribute to sustainable
development, are significant. It has been argued that the indicators are not suf-
ficiently tight and, in some cases, are even redundant." Drawing examples from
some community forestry projects, the community forestry legal framework
stipulates some requirements that are intended to enhance sustainable manage-
ment of forests. This would include a demonstration that all villagers participate
in decision-making to create a community forest; that inventories are carried
out; management plans are produced; forest boundaries are clearly demarcated;
and benefit-sharing mechanisms are clearly set out.
Although in Cameroon all approved community forests today could be said
to have fulfilled these conditions, more than half of the communities are not
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ROSE ?AWE BAZA AND LOUIS J KOTZE
respecting their management plans, especially those in the southern part of
the country, where timber is the main forest product and attracts many timber
exploiters for immediate financial gains!' How, then, will sustainable develop-
ment be enhanced in these circumstances? It is proposed that, within a small-
scale of CDM projects with simplified procedures, carbon funds could be more
beneficial and could enhance a scenario where carbon forestry projects would
replace illegal logging and the so•called 'sale of standing volume' as the former
contributes to sustainable development in the country. In sum, proper mitiga-
tion of climate change through carbon forestry projects offsets and sustainable
development considerations are mutually reinforcing."
Consistency and conformity with international law
Projects vying to qualify as CDM projects within the ambit of the acceptabil-
ity requirement must be consistent and comply with other international legal
instruments. This would entail that African forestry projects in general, and
Cameroon forestry projects in particular, must clearly demonstrate that they
are not repugnant to the spirit of other international agreements and guide-
lines pursuing similar or related objectives. Therefore, any forestry project
should demonstrate consistency and conformity with, for example, Agenda
21. Cameroon, like many other African countries, has signed and/or ratified
most of these international natural resource management agreements and must
therefore consider the provisions of the international law regime when crafting
CDM forestry projects.
Regulatory framework for potentially invasive species and GMOs
Forestry projects that use invasive or potentially invasive species and GMOs are
at risk of being successfully executed. For instance, the daisies have been iden-
tified as invasive species with enormous threat to forest margins, commercial
forest plantations and others in the Southern part of Africa". To ensure that
this kind of risk is assessed and sufficiently controlled by countries undertaking
forestry projects, the CDM cautions that such countries should provide regula-
tory frameworks which address such risks. Fortunately, some countries of the
Southern African region, South Africa, for example, has legislation on the
control, cultivation and trade of invasive species". However, non-registration of
a forestry project, for instance, will not be justified in the absence of regulations
for potentially invasive species and GMOs, especially where there is little risk
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for this affecting the project. It may nevertheless be important for sustainable
management of ecosystems as a whole.'
In the case of Cameroon, there is no clear regulatory framework for such
a cautionary approach, but a casual and somewhat indirect reference is made
in Decree No 95.531-PM of 23 August 1995 as per the following phrase: `IT)
he conditions organising the prevention and control of diseases and insects
threatening forest plantations and species shall be determined by order of the
Minister in charge of forestry.'" Unfortunately, as is the case with other incor-
rectly drafted and postponing provisions of this nature in forestry legislation,
such a ministerial order is still awaited.
Externalities
The following sections examine two phases of externalities, namely impact as-
sessment and leakage.
Impact assessment
For forestry projects to meet this requirement there must be a clear demonstra-
tion of a strategy to deal with impacts or effects that are likely to ensue from
project implementation. Such impacts may be positive or negative in an eco-
nomic, sociocultural and environmental sense. In fact, a majority of African
countries have now crafted impact assessment policies for project initiation and
implementation. In the case of Cameroon, there exists an arsenal of legislative
instruments" for impact assessment of projects. It means, therefore, that in the
case of CDM projects, the DNA would only approve forestry projects that take
impact analysis into consideration. Cameroon, like many African countries, is
most likely to meet this arm of externalities since it has various impact assess-
ment policies and laws already in place.
Leakage
It is increasingly acknowledged that leakage is an important aspect of externali-
ties in CDM projects. Leakage is the unplanned emission that may occur outside
the frontiers of a project as a consequence of activities within the project. In for-
estry projects, for example, a conservation measure intended to increase carbon
reservoirs or sinks within the forest may lead communities depending on such
a forest to recover lost opportunities by increasing pressure on neighbouring
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forests. Consequently, the carbon sinks or reservoirs envisaged within the
project may be offset by carbon emissions in the adjoining forest." Ordinarily,
leakage should not invalidate a project unless, of course, it clearly emerges that
projections of emissions are sufficiently substantial to negate estimated carbon
offsets. This notwithstanding, project analysis should show how such eventuali-
ties will be minimised.
Certification
Certification is the last stage before emission reduction certification is issued
by the CDM executive board. It deals with the review and approval of project
procedure. Prior to this, the CDM rules require that the measurements, reality
or concreteness of the project and its long term characteristics be verified inde-
pendently by a designated operational entity (DOE), a third party accredited by
the CDM executive board. The CDM project phase must pass three tests. These
are discussed below.
The validation stage
This stage involves the process of independent evaluation of the proposed
project as evidenced in the project designed document and as required by the
CDM. The end result of this stage is the registration of the project which is the
formal acceptance by the executive board of the validated project." In fact, reg-
istration is the prerequisite for verification, certification and issuance of certi-
fied emission reductions relating to the project activity.
The verification stage
This is a crucial and complicated stage as it entails an independent review
process of monitoring reduction or sequestration that has occurred since the
registration of the project activity. It has to be done within a timeline and after
project implementation has started. The objective is to actually assess the extent
to which carbon offsets have been attained.
Certification stage
The certification stage is where the DOE gives a written confirmation of the emis-
sion reduction or sequestration achieved by the project during a specific period.
The outcome is the issuance of certified emission reduction. Thus, to meet the CDM
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requirement of certification under the Kyoto Protocol, all African countries must
go through the review and approval procedures. In Cameroon, for instance, the
review and approval procedures for CDM projects are contained in a Ministerial
Decision.' The review and approval procedures are done by the DNA, i.e. Comite
National MDP Cameroun. The ministry has reviewed and approved more than 300
community forestry applications based on the regulatory framework," although,
in some instances, with difficulty." As the government is currently reviewing and
updating the community forestry regulatory framework, this may eventually fa-
cilitate review and approval processes, and the DNA could learn some lessons to
eventually use in reviewing and approving CDM forestry projects.
Trends
The Kyoto Protocol, through its CDM, offers potential for the development
of carbon forestry projects in Africa. Unfortunately, the CDM's potential
for carbon forestry development sometimes appears too difficult for African
countries to realise. This view has also been taken by other writers stating
that trends in African participation in CDM projects are especially grim."
This may explain why, to date, only one of about 30 CDM forestry projects
has been approved.66 There is concern that Africa may lose out on opportuni-
ties. However, there are quite a number of CDM energy projects in Africa.
The crucial question is: why are carbon projects not being mounted in Africa
and in Cameroon despite the potential from CDM? Put another way, what are
the opportunities for and constraints or challenges facing effective uptake of
CDM forestry projects in Cameroon?
Challenges
Non-consideration of local realities
The African continent, particularly Cameroon, is characterised by various
indigenous and traditional realities. These realities range from knowledge in-
stitutions, customs, forest types and policy frameworks, to name but a few. The
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challenge is greater for Africa when we adopt a uniform solution to the world's
problems, for instance the modalities for CDM forestry projects. Therefore, in-
digenous and traditional knowledge institutions of the people, the forest types,
and the type of national policy orientation are tremendous challenges which
ought to have been addressed in the Kyoto Protocol and should be addressed in
future agreements.
Community forestry reforms
As already demonstrated above, there is a paucity of CDM forestry projects in
Africa and in Cameroon. Why is this so? Perhaps there is a need to encourage
community forestry projects through legal and institutional frameworks at na-
tional level that simplify the procedures, application, registration and approv-
al." There is a need to re-orientate community forestry applications towards
those that prioritise afforestation and reforestation programmes because the
technology to grow trees in such programmes is simple and therefore facilitates
access to the resource.9 In fact, emphasis on community forestry projects is
explained by the fact that the CDM is basically a bottom-up process? i.e. initi-
ated and implemented at the local community level.
Nongovernmental organisation involvement
NGOs have been involved in various forest projects involving local people in
African countries. They are inevitable partners in this process, providing ex-
pertise and, in some cases, financial assistance to local people.6° However, their
involvement has always lacked legal legitimacy, especially in Cameroon forestry
projects, where legislation does not spell out the terms of their responsibilities.
Therefore, to tap the CDM potential, better NGO involvement in carbon for-
estry project requires a legal tone which of course also would be contingent on
the government's political will to facilitate a strong partnership between NGOs
and local communities.
Capacity building
The designation and uptake of CDM projects requires finances, skills and data
on forests. A major challenge for African countries in general and Cameroon
in particular, is to build the capacity of persons to research and reinforce skills
necessary for the process. Fortunately, various efforts are already underway in
Cameroon in this respect, for example, the increased involvement of government
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in capacity-building programs for the initiation of CDM project and mobilisation
of funds through the Special Forestry Development Fund.
Creation of the Designated National Authority (DNA)
The DNA required by the Kyoto Protocol is the national structure in charge of
CDM activities at national level which should ensure a link between the host
country and the CDM process at the international level. It is still a constraint
in CDM projects, as many African countries have not yet established these
structures. Stehr,6' for example, reports that only 26 African countries have
DNAs. This may be a significant constraint in efforts to fully realise the CDM
potential.
Benefits
CDM forestry projects could import the following advantageous and beneficial
results.
Carbon forestry benefit rights
A clear definition of ownership and access rights to land and forest resources
will trigger interest of communities in initiating and implementing CDM
projects. Local communities will be curious to ascertain their benefits from
involvement in carbon forestry projects, whether under the current community
forestry project, its review, or again in an entirely new CDM dispensation. This
issue revolves around the question on how the emerging paradigm-payment for
environmental services (PES) would be used to compensate land and resource
users contributing to environmental services.62 Once communities are guaran-
teed of their carbon rights and how the same would be equitably distributed,
this would arguably constitute an incentive for long-term investment in carbon
sequestration projects such as CDM forestry projects.
Sustainable development benefits
Besides the mandatory provisions on sustainable development enumerated in
Article 12 (2) of the Kyoto Protocol, CDM projects, if properly implemented,
should lead to sustainable livelihoods and the socioeconomic development of
the host country. Local communities are aptly placed to realise the ideals of sus-
tainable development since they are actively involved in social, economic and
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conservation activities. Moreover, CDM projects which are properly executed
should increase the chances of achieving these objectives.
Given the trends and challenges of CDM forestry projects in Africa discussed
above, what then would be the appropriate legal responses and progress mecha-
nisms to address, especially, the challenges associated with the CDM and for-
estry projects?
The appropriate response to the Kyoto regime for African countries would
be to create an enabling environment for CDM project initiation and continu-
ance in their respective countries. It is true that there are various CDM projects
across Africa," but few forestry projects, which are important as they have high
capacity to reduce CO2 emissions. What this means is that African countries
should embed the Kyoto CDM-related provisions at the national level through a
deliberate policy approach which is proactive in nature. This will entail a holistic
approach involving but not limited to: creation of a DNA, provision of financial
assistance to design CDM forestry projects; clarification of sustainable develop-
ment criteria; clarification and communication to the executive board of the
CDM of the definition of forest; and enhancing integrated land-use planning.
At regional level, one important response and progress mechanism would
be the creation of a continental network that could constitute inter alio, a think
tank with the sole mission of identifying and cataloguing difficulties encoun-
tered in initiation and implementation of CDM projects in general, and forestry
projects in particular, so that they could be presented to the Conference of the
Parties. There are likely to be some particularities, as the continent is diverse.
There would, however, also be numerous commonalities. It is expected that
similar developments will be discussed en bloc" at future climate change meet-
ings aimed at redesigning a post-2012 legal framework that encapsulates all
these concerns.
At the global level, the Conference of the Parties may also have to review a
number of issues. Under the Kyoto Protocol, only afforestation and reforestation
projects are eligible for the CDM forestry projects. This is an extremely limited
view. The reason is that tropical deforestation accounts for 20-25 per cent of
annual global CO2 emissions." The Kyoto Protocol ignores these statistics,
which is evident in its exclusion from eligibility of tropical forest conservation
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and prevention of deforestation as an action for mitigating climate change. The
bulk of African forest is of a tropical nature and is found in Central Africa and in
countries such as Cameroon." These tropical forests are, however, disappearing
at an alarming rate. There is need for compliance and enforcement mechanisms
as these tropical forests are important not only for climate change mitigation
but for various other ecological reasons? It has, for example, been demonstrat-
ed that reducing tropical deforestation can make substantial contributions to
CO2 emission reduction." For the above reasons, forest conservation should be
included in the Kyoto Protocol and future mechanisms. It should accordingly
be one of the primary issues for inclusion in a post-2012 legal framework?
Another important consideration would also be for the post-2012 regime
to provide opportunities for financial support that would enable low income
countries, such as Cameroon, to meet the financial additionality criterion for
CDM forestry projects.
One principal problem which has been identified as a challenge to the CDM
is the lack of participation of African delegates in climate change negotiations.
The Kyoto Protocol bears testimony to this fact." A broader representation
and active participation will enable delegates to sell African local realities and
provide a place for these in final binding documents." Such a broad-spectrum
approach and active participation may also facilitate the crafting of commit-
ments that are environmentally effective, cost-effective, equitable and institu-
tionally feasible."
CONCLUSION
This chapter has principally focused on the potential which international binding
agreements have in respect to governing climate change at the local level. It has
been demonstrated that the Kyoto Protocol, as an international legal governance
instrument, has, inter alia, provided CDM mechanisms that enhance partner-
ships between Annex 1 and non-Annex 1 countries as defined under the protocol.
The initiation and management of CDM forestry projects in Africa in general,
and in Cameroon in particular, is low compared to Asia and Latin America.
Some constraints or challenges in this respect have been explored in this chapter
and the question now is whether the CDM is the panacea for addressing climate
change challenges. In other words, what other governance mechanisms could be
employed to add to CDM forestry projects in Africa?
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ROSE MWEBAZA AND LOUIS j KOTZE
The promotion and enforcement of human rights has emerged as one govern-
ance mechanism for addressing climate change systems in different countries
across the world. Another is climate change litigation. Climate change litigation
is now increasingly based on the grounds that the negative impact of climate
change, usually from poor governance, affects human rights." African coun-
tries, Cameroon inclusive, are caught up in the tenuous web of poor governance
and it seems that litigation may provide an answer to this challenge. Of course,
the basic question remains that of locus standi. Therefore, Cameroon and many
African countries must soften locus standi requirements to allow climate change
litigation in this regard." Potential plaintiffs would include individuals, groups,
environment and social responsibility groups (NGOs), governments, foresters
and biofuel producers in the case of significant land-use changes." The motivat-
ing factors to the litigation mechanism of addressing climate change are based
on increasing scientific certainty, emerging legal precedent and growing public
awareness of climate change, its causes and impacts.
Cumulatively, these and the other proposals suggested above, may work
in tandem to ameliorate the current dire situation caused by climate change
in Africa.
NOTES
1 See D Hunter, J Salzman and D Zaelke. International environmental law and policy, New York:
Foundation Press, 1998, 69.
2
See IPCC Report, IPCC-XXJDoc.1, 2000.
3
P Sands, Principles of inteniationalenvirotitnentallaw(2nd ed), Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2003, 358.
1
The other two mechanisms are Emission Trading and Joint Implementation.
For more. see Art. 12 (1-10) of the Kyoto Protocol.
6
See in particular, Art. 12(2) of the protocol.
7
See for instance, Art.3(3) and (4), 6 and 12.
8
Such decisions include mainly Decision 11/CP.7- FCCC/CP2001/13/Add.1 on Land Use,
Land Use Change and Forestry: Decision 14/CP.10-FCCC7CP2001/13/Add.2 on Small Scale
Afforestation and reforestation projects; Decision 17/CP.7-FCCOCP2001/13/Add.2 pare 7
on Modalities and Procedures for the CDM as defined in An. 12 of the protocol. Decision 19/
CP.9, FCCC/CP2003/6/Add.2 on Modalities and procedure for smallscale afforestation and
MONOGRAPH 167
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EFTA01090288
reforestation projects. and the Marrakech Accords. The latter are a package of measures that
enable the Kyoto Protocol to start operations and contain 262 pages and 39 decisions. They were
formally adopted by the CONMOPlin Montreal in December 2005, providing the much-needed
framework of Guidelines. Modalities and Rules for moving forward with the implementation of
the protocol.
9
See, generally, P V Desanker. The Kyoto Protocol and CDM in Africa. A good idea but ...
http://www.fao.org/docrepf009/a04Be/a0413E05.htm; Sedjo et al, Renting carbon offsets: the
question of permanence. (http:/www.weathervane.ritorg/pdffiles/roger3.pdf
10 See, in particular. Decision 11/CP.7 Annex on Definitions, modalities, rules and guidelines
relating to land use. land use change and forestry activities under the Kyoto Protocol, 58, and
Decision 19/CP.9. Annex on Modalities and procedure for afforestation and reforestation
project activities under the Clean Development Mechanisms, 16.
11 See Art. 3.3 of the Kyoto Protocol.
12 Law No 94101 of 20 January 1994, called 'the new forestry law.
13 See Forestry Law, s.2
14 Cameroon, for instance, is comprised of six agro-ecological zones that span from the dense.
humid tropical forests in the southern parts. through the savannah type vegetation in the
middle. to the Sahelian type vegetation in the northern parts. It is partly for this reason that
the country has been termed 'Africa in miniature'.
15 See, generally, L V Verschot et al, Implications of country-level decision on the specifications
of crown cover in the definition of forests for land area eligible for afforestation and reforesta-
tion in the CDM, Joanneaum research, Graz, Austria, 2005.
16 See FCCOCP/2003/6/Add.1, Decision 19/CP.9 on Modalities and procedures for afforestation
and reforestation project activities under the CDM.
17 See. G J Nabuurs. O Masera, K Andrasko et al, Forestry. in B Metz, O R Davidson, P R Bosch
et al (eds). Climate change 2007: mitigation. contribution of Working Group HI to the Fourth
Assessment Report of the IPCC. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press and York
Press, 2007.565-66.
18 See in particular. s 1(b) of the annex to Decision 11/CP.7
19 Sees 1(c) annex to Decision II/CP.7
20 See Nabuurs, G P. Forestry. See also P.V. Desanker., The Kyoto protocol and CDM in Africa.
21 See, generally.0 F. Tamasang. Community forest management entities as effective tools for local-lev-
el participation under Cameroonian law: a case study of/alum/I/an mountain forest (Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation. Facuhy of Laws and Political Science. University of Yaounde II). 2008.
22 See Decree No 95-531-PM of 23 August 1995 to determine the conditions of implementation
of Forestry Regulations, s. 29 (2)(b).
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EFTA01090289
23 It implies that any other entity that acquires and manages the forest other than the local communities
will not qualify for CDM. In Cameroon. there are what we call disguised community forest projects
where wealthy elites have funded community forestry projects under the name of a community and
reaping the benefits of exploitation but without the community having been the initiators nor have
any benefits in terms of carbon rights as the forest is immediately exploited for commercial ends.
24 See s 39.
25 See in particular paragraphs 43-52.
26 For details, see Decision 19/CP.9. paragraphs 18-22.
27 See generally the 1974 Land Tenure Ordinances, Ordinances No 7411, 74/2,74/3, July 6 1974 on
land tenure and state lands as modified by Ordinance No77/1 and 77/2, January 10, 1977.
28 Notably P. A. Minang, H. TA. A. Bressers, M.M. Skutch dal, National forest policy as a platform
for biosphere carbon management: the case of community forestry in Cameroon,Enviromnental
Science and Policy 10(3). (2007)..204-218.
29 Sees. 37(5).
30 Sees. 9(1)
31 See s. 9(2)
32 See Tamasang. Community forest management entities, 321-324
33 See Tamasang. Community forest management entities, 228
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid.
36 See Decree No95-531-PM, ss 6-8 on the role of ministry of forestry staff to determine modalities
for safe and control fire, and ministry of territorial administration and decentralisation to issue
permits to start fires after consultation with local forestry stag
37 See in particular, articles 2.1 and 12.2.
38 See Decision No 19/CP.9
39 For more on the sustainable development, see C F Tamasang. Sustainable development: some
reflections with regard to the new constitutional dispensation in Cameroon, The African Law
Review. 5(I) (2008), 145-165.
40 See H Barton, Sustainable communities: the potential for eco-neighbourhoods. London: Earthscan
Publication. 2000.7. But seethe argument and position taken by C F Tamasang, Community forest
management entities, 7-8
41 For details, see Annex 1 of Decision No 00008/NIINEP/CAB of January 2006 which spells out
11 criteria with 26 indicators overall. An interesting thing to note is that the criteria all span
through the three pillars of sustainable development (social, economic and environmental
pillars) although not equally distributed.
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42 P A Minang. H T A Bressers, M M Skutch et al, National forest policy as a platform, 214
13 T Fomete, La Fiscalite Forestidre et Implications des Communautes locales a la Galion
Forestiare au Cameroun, Overseas Development Institute, (2001), 11-21
44 Fore more. see ) Sathaye, A Najam, C Cocklin et al, Sustainable development and mitigation,
in B Metz, O R Davidson, P R Bosch et al (eds), Climate change 2007. mitigation, contribution
of Working Group 111 to the Fourth Assessment Report of the IPCC. New York: Cambridge
University Press. 2007,696.
45 Sabonet news. Invasive alien plants: Asteraceae, The Southern African Botanical Diversity
Network, 70) (2002). 32-33.
46 See the Conservation of Agricultural Resources Act, Act 43, 1983 as amended in 2001.
17 See, generally. the Ecosystem Assessment Report (2005).
18 See s.16.
19 See the 1995 Forestry Decree prescribing impact assessment, Art. 110(1): Decree No 2005-
0577-PM of 23 February 2005 laying down modalities for realising impact assessment. and
Aral& No 0070/MINEP du 22 Avril 2005 laying down the different categories of operation
requiring impact assessment.
50 K M Chomitz. Baseline leakage and measurement issues: how do forestry and energy projects
compare?, Climate Policy, 2 (2002).35-49
51 See, in particular, Part G. paragraphs Hof the annex to Decision 19/CP.9
52 See Ministerial Decision No 0008/1MINEP/CAB of January 2006, Annex 2.
53 The Manual of procedure and norms for the attribution and management of community forests
54 See Tamasang. Community forest management entities, 174-187.
55 See Desanker, The Kyoto Protocol and CDM in Africa. 2.
56 PA Minang. Implementing global environmental policy at local level: community carbon for-
estry perspectives in Cameroon, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Thente, Maastricht,
2007.4-5.
57 For more on this. see Tamasang, Community forest management entities, 371 et seq.
58 See Desenker. The Kyoto Protocol and CDM in Africa.
59 See H I Stehr. The clean development mechanism: evolving to meet dimate and development chal-
lenges, in Climate Action, London: Sustainable Development International and UNEP. 2007.109.
60 See, generally. F Ekoko. Balancing politics, economics. and conservation: the case of the
Cameroon forestry law reforms, Development and Change, 2000.
61 H I Stehr. The Clean Development Mechanism, 110.
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EFTA01090291
ROSE ?AWE BAL. AND LOUIS J KOTZE
62 Other environmental services from which payment may be expected to compensate land users
for environmental services and which give market reasons for actors to consider such services
in decision-making processes include water protection, biodiversity protection, and beauty and
esthetical view. An additional reason for PES relates to environmental justice, e.g. industrial-
ised polluting countries make compensation to non-polluting countries for the impacts of their
pollution-polluter pay principle.
63 Solar thermal plant in Botswana: hydro in Congo: natural gas cogeneration in Egypt; land-
fill gas to electricity, palm oil biomass, and aerobic digestion in Ghana: hydro CCGT in
Mozambique; and solar water heaters, and industrial energy efficiency landfill gas to electricity
in South Africa. For more, see B Kinkead, Undertaking CDM projects in Africa - challenges.
trends and opportunities, DNA forum, Addis Ababa: Eco-securities, 2007.
64 See, generally, D Kaniaru, International environmental negotiation blocs, International
Environmental law-making and Diplomacy Review, University of Joensuu - UNEP Course
series 4, University of Joensuu, (2006), 3-15.
65 IPCC report (2000).
66 See generally C F Tamasang, Legislation for sustainable forest management in the Central
African sub-region: what prospects for effective implementation, paper presented at the 4th
Colloquium of IUCN Academy of Environmental law, NY. (2006). forthcoming. New York:
Edward Elgar Publishers.
67 Tamasang. Legislation for sustainable forest management. 13.
68 M Santilli, P Moutinho, S Schwartzmans. S Nepstad et al. Tropical deforestation and Kyoto
Protocol, Climate Change, 71(3) (2005). 274.
69 P Moutinho. M Santilli, S Schwartzmans. L Rodrigues. Why ignore tropical deforestation?
A proposal for including forest conservation in the Kyoto Protocol, http•1/www.fao.org/doc-
rep/009/a0413etoa413EO5.htm
70 See D Hunter. J Salzman and D Zaelke, International environment law and policy. 645-648.
71 See, generally. UNEP, University of Joensuu, and Canada], Multilateral environmental agreements:
negotiators handbook, UNEP CourseSeries 5, (2sed). Finland: University of Joensuu, 2007.
72 For more, see S Gupta. D A Tirpak, N Burger et al, Policies instruments and cooperative ar-
rangements. in B Metz. O R Davidson, P R Bosch et al (eds) Climate change 2007: mitigation,
contribution of Working Group III to the Fourth Assessment Report of the IPCC, 2007,790.
73 These include express rights to decent or healthy environment, to life. liberty, and to prop-
erty enshrined in various international legal instruments on environment and others and
retaken in Constitutions of many African countries. For more on this. see generally Tamasang,
Sustainable development (2008).
74 There are already successful litigation claims on climate change in the USA. Australia. New
Zealand and Nigeria.
MONOGRAPH 167
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75 P Taylor, Climate change litigation: a catalyst for corporate response (2007), in: SDI and UNEP,
(2007), 103-106.
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EFTA01090297
Regulatory
Mechanisms for
Implementing
Renewable Energy
Projects in Uganda
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this chapter is to review the national regulatory mechanisms
for implementing renewable energy Clean Development Mechanism (CDM)
projects in Uganda. It assesses the potential and the challenges of the regula-
tory framework. It is divided into seven sections. The first section provides
the introduction. The second section examines Uganda's renewable energy re-
sources. The third section provides an overview of the concept of CDM, while
the fourth section identifies the CDM projects implemented in Uganda under
the renewable energy resources sub-sector. The fifth section includes a review
of the national policy and legal framework regulating the CDM projects in
the renewable energy sub-sector. It is argued in this chapter that the success
of CDM projects in the renewable energy sub-sector largely depends on the
existence of an adequate regulatory framework. An examination of Uganda's
policy and legal framework reveals that, to a large extent, it is adequate to im-
plement renewable energy CDM projects. However, there are other non-legal
limitations that have an impact on the effective operation of the regulatory
framework. Some of these limitations are identified in the sixth section, in
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which it is proposed that if these limitations are not addressed, the developed
regulatory framework and the initiated CDM projects are likely to fail to
achieve their objective. To address these limitations, section seven sets out
recommendations which may assist in overcoming current deficiencies in this
respect, to the appropriate authorities.
INTRODUCTION
The energy sector in Uganda relies on various renewable and nonrenewable
energy resources. Renewable energy resources are those resources that are re-
plenished continuously by natural processes.' These include, among others, solar
energy, hydropower, biomass, wind and geothermal power. Uganda has devel-
oped some of these resources under the framework of the Clean Development
Mechanism (CDM). However, the success of these projects depends on the ex-
istence of an effective regulatory framework for their sustainability.
The purpose of this chapter is to review the national regulatory mechanisms
for implementing renewable energy CDM projects in Uganda. To this end, the
central research question addressed in this chapter is: how effective is Uganda's
regulatory framework for CDM projects in the renewable energy sub-sector?
To answer this question, the chapter provides a brief outline of the background
to Uganda's renewable energy resources and the CDM projects implemented
under this sub-sector. It then reviews Uganda's policy and legal framework
with special emphasis on its efficacy in regulating renewable CDM projects, and
its key limitations. The chapter, finally, proposes recommendations to address
these limitations.
Uganda is richly endowed with a variety of renewable energy resources which
include plentiful woody and nonwoody biomass, solar, wind, geothermal
power, and hydrological resources. Presently, with the exception of biomass,
only a meagre fraction of the country's renewable energy potential is exploited.
It is estimated that other renewable sources of energy, excluding large hydro-
power resources, contribute less than two per cent of Uganda's total energy
consumption.'
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Biomass (firewood, charcoal and crop residues) plays a significant role in
Uganda's energy supply. It constitutes over 90 per cent of total energy consump-
tion in the country. It provides almost all the energy used to meet the basic
needs of cooking and water heating in rural and most urban households and
institutions.3 Biomass is the main source of energy for rural industries. Trading
in biomass energy, especially charcoal, contributes to the economy in terms of
rural income, tax revenue and employment. It saves foreign exchange, employs
20 000 people and generates UShs 36 billion (approximately USS20 million) per
year in rural income.° Fuel wood requirements have, however, contributed to
the degradation of forests as wood reserves are being depleted at a rapid rate in
many regions. Charcoal consumption also increases at a rate close to that of the
urban population (six per cent per annum)? This places additional pressure on
forest resources in Uganda.
Uganda is also endowed with an abundance of sunshine, providing solar ra-
diation of about 4-5 kWh/m2/day. This level of insolation is quite favourable for
all solar technology applications. Solar energy applications in Uganda include
solar photovoltaic (PV), water heating, cooling and crop drying. PV systems are
generally required for applications where modest power needs exist in areas that
are not served by the national power grid. These provide power for lighting, tel-
ecommunications, vaccine and blood refrigeration, and for operating radio and
television services in such areas. PV technology has also proven to be successful
in providing energy services to inaccessible areas such as islands and mountain-
ous areas where the national power grid cannot be expected to extend its services
in the foreseeable future.
Further, Uganda has the potential for wind energy with a speed of about
3 m/s. In flat areas, especially around Lake Victoria and the Karamoja
region, as well as in hilly areas, the speed even reaches 6 m/s and above.6
These conditions are considered adequate to support wind technology ap-
plications in the country. It must, however, be noted that these wind speeds
have been recorded at low heights for the sole purpose of predicting weather.
No measurements have been taken at appropriate heights (over 10 m) for
wind turbine design!
Although geothermal energy exploitation has not been established in
Uganda, there is evidence that the resource exists. Potential geothermal re-
sources are estimated at about 450 MW in the Ugandan Rift Valley System.
Apart from basic studies on the geological and geo•chemical characteristics of
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several thermal anomalies, no detailed studies have been carried out to estab-
lish the economic potential of this resource?
All these renewable energy resources need to be developed in order to
achieve economic development and environmental sustainability. Renewable
energy resources are viable options for Uganda for the following reasons.
First, the increasing cost of fossil fuels renders the latter too expensive for
Uganda. Experts show that if the world continues to consume energy at the
current rate, nonrenewable sources will be exhausted in the near future, Oil
is expected to last for only 40 years.10 Natural gas will be available for the next
70 years and coal may be available for the next 280 years." Second, emissions
from coal and fossil fuels are responsible for global warming and climate
change.'
Renewable energy resources are more environmentally friendly and proper
emphasis should be put on developing these resources and avoiding the chal-
lenges associated with nonrenewable energy resources. However, since Uganda
has limited financial capacity to develop these resources, the benefits could be
achieved if it participates fully in the CDM that will enhance technological
transfer and financial assistance from developed countries.
The CDM is one of the flexible mechanisms provided by the Kyoto Protocol
to assist developing countries in benefiting from the climate law framework.!;
It is an important element in international climate policy because it provides
a cost-effective means of complying with the requirements of the Kyoto
Protocol. Defined in Article 12 of the Kyoto Protocol, the CDM provides
for Annex I Parties to implement project activities that reduce emission of
greenhouse gases (GHGs) in non-Annex I Parties, in return for certified emis-
sion reductions (CERs).14 The CERs generated by such project activities can
be used by Annex I Parties to help meet their own emissions targets under
the protocol. It is therefore mutually-beneficial. Article 12 also stresses that
CDM projects should assist the developing country host parties (non-Annex
I Parties) in achieving sustainable development and in contributing to the
ultimate objective of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCCC).15
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CDM, therefore, is not only an innovative mechanism that builds a bridge
over the 'North/ South' gap in the Kyoto scheme, it also brings together private
economic interests and public climate policy by helping to channel private sector
investment towards climate-friendly projects that otherwise might not be real-
ised.16 A CDM project attracts substantial transfers in financial and technological
services to developing countries while promoting climate protection." However,
it is important to note that the technology thus transferred must be environmen-
tally safe and sound."
A CDM project must result in real, measurable and long-term benefits
related to the mitigation of climate change, and it must contribute to reductions
in emission that are additional to any that could occur in the absence of the
certified project activity.19 Such projects may be implemented under the renew-
able energy resources sub-sector.
Uganda is a party to both the UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol.2° It there-
fore has an obligation as a non-Annex I party to cooperate with Annex I coun-
tries in the implementation of CDM projects. Uganda has undertaken a number
of CDM projects under the renewable energy resources sub-sector. This section
discusses some of these projects.
Uganda is pioneering the West Nile Electrification Project (WNEP). The
project is part of the Ugandan government's Energy for Rural Transformation
(ERT) Scheme, which is supported by the World Bank and various bilateral
partners.21 Engineers working on the WNEP have constructed a 3,5 MW hy-
dropower plant on the banks of the White Nile (a tributary of the main river
Nile) which flows from Lake Victoria.22 It is envisaged that the project will cut
demand for diesel and thermal power as well as kerosene and paraffin. It will
also avoid transport emissions from fuel trucics.23 It is hoped that this will miti-
gate climate change in terms of emission reduction.
Bakojja New Wood Country Forest Plantation Co. Ltd. is currently im-
plementing the Industrial Wood Plantation of Pine and Mixed Hardwood
Species Project located in Kagoma parish, Buwekula, Mubende District. The
total investment in this project is US$4 062 486 (equity: US$888 570) and
the total expected volume of credits is 104 000 in 25 years and 206 500 in
50 years.
Another project is the Mityana Fruit Forest Initiative located in Ssekanyonyi
parish, Mityana, Mubende District. This project involves growing fruit trees that
will contribute to economic development and environmental sustainability. The
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total investment in this project is US$3 000 000 and the total expected volume
of credits is 44 000 in 25 years and 58 000 in 50 years.
The Solar PV-based Rural Electrification Project aims to abate/reduce accu-
mulation of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. It is administered from Kampala
City, with upcountry branch outlets at: Arua, Mbale, Bushenyi, Soroti, Masaka,
Lira and Rukungiri. The total investment in this project is US$2 800 000 and
the total expected volume of credits is 320 000 in 20 years.
Most significantly, the Kampala Landfill to Energy Project is based at a
landfill located 10 km from Kampala, Uganda. The objective of this project
is to capture the landfill gas currently being emitted from the Kampala City
landfill, thereby reducing the risk of methane combustion to nearby squatters,
and to utilise the methane to generate electricity which can then be used to
supply the grid.2d The electricity will also be able to provide the city with an
additional source of revenue for a facility that is currently a net liability. The
total investment in this project is US$1 890 000 and the total expected volume
of credits for a period of 14 years is 690 270.
Another reforestation project being implemented is the UWA-Face Project
in the Mount Elgon National Park and the Kibale National Park. The UWA-
Face Project is a joint venture between Uganda National Parks and the Face
Foundation of Holland. Under the above project, Face Foundation is funding
a substantial part of the project and, in return, it obtains carbon dioxide
sequestration and offset in the contract areas of Mount Elgon and Kibale
National Parks during a period of 99 years (1994-2093).25 The emissions from
27,000 hectares of regenerated forest in Kibale and Mount Elgon national
parks amount to 1,500,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide worth US$45 million.
Further, the emissions from 7,100 hectares in Bukabaleba forests and the
adjoining Norwegian-managed forest amount to four million tons of carbon
dioxide worth about US$12 million.26 Under this project, the Face Foundation
owns the carbon dioxide credits, while the trees and all other proceeds belong
to UWA.
Other CDM projects in the renewable energy resources sub-sector include
the Busoga Kingdom Forestry Project, located in Jinja Eastern Uganda and
administered by the Ecological Christian Organisation. This project has at-
tracted €6,6 million and the total expected volume of credits is 350 000 in 20
years. Another is Micro-hydropower for Rural Electrification project, admin-
istered in Sironko district, Eastern Uganda. This project has attracted total
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investment of US$1 153 227 and the total expected volume of credits is 6 500
in 20 years.
The energy sector has more significant environmental impact than most other
economic sectors. Hence, energy investments must be subjected to a regulatory
framework that ensures sustainable development. A sustainable energy regula-
tory framework is one which integrates economic, social and environmental
objectives in a way that improves the wellbeing of the current generation whilst
safeguarding the wellbeing of future generations.' Since participation in CDM
projects is voluntary,28 it is up to individual countries to create policy and legal
frameworks depending on whether they consider such CDM projects to be ben-
eficial. It can, on the other hand, be argued that designing an effective policy
and legal framework for the implementation of CDM is mandatory once the
country undertakes the CDM projects. This is so because the UNFCCC requires
state parties to undertake policy and legislative measures for the mitigation
of climate change.29 Uganda, as a country undertaking CDM projects in the
renewable energy resources sub-sector, has developed a fairly comprehensive
legal and policy framework for the regulation of these projects. The following
sections analyse these policies and laws.
Review of the policy framework regulating renewable
energy Clean Development Mechanism projects
The Energy Policy for Ugandai0
This policy provides the government's vision for increased and improved modern
energy supply for sustainable economic development as well as improving the
quality of lives of the Ugandan population. The goal of this policy is to meet the
energy needs of Uganda's population for social and economic development in
an environmentally sustainable manner.31 In relation to the renewable energy
sub-sector, its objective is to develop the use of renewable energy resources for
both small and large-scale applications.32
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The policy identifies key sub-sector issues for new and renewable sources of
energy as including: inefficient production and use of biomass energy that results
in adverse effects on the environment and the health of biomass energy users,
especially in rural households; underdeveloped markets in Renewable Energy
Technologies (RETs) equipment and services because of high initial investment
costs and lack of financial capacity to cover the initial investment; lack of mecha-
nisms to monitor standards and ensure quality control of RETs; and inadequate
available data on the potential of indigenous renewable energy sources.'
The policy suggests a number of strategies to rectify these problems. These
include: supporting the dissemination of biomass and other RETs to increase
their positive impact on the energy balance and the environment; ensuring that
RET producers and importers ascribe to certified performance and technical
standards; supporting efforts to develop biomass res
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