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From: US GIO
To: Undisclosed recipients:;
Subject: Eye on the Market, May 3, 2011: Retractions
Date: Tue, 03 May 2011 15:41:31 +0000
Attachments: 05-03-11_ EOTM - Retractions.pdf
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Eye on the Market, May 3, 2011 (PDF easier to read this week; look for the elephant)
Retractions: US earnings growth, the Euro, and the primary catalyst for the US housing crisis
By May of each year, we get a sense for where we need to revise expectations. Several things panned out as we expected
in January (stocks outperforming bonds; another good year for credit; an
rebound, benefiting certain hedge fund and
mid cap equity strategies; Japan underperforming other regions; another leg to rising commodity prices; a rise in Asian
currencies versus the dollar; and the resilience of municipal bond prices in the face of selling and notable skeptics [see
EoTM Feb 14]). But this note is not about that, it's about expectations we need to revise. This week: a note on
Retractions of Prior Views.
US large cap operating earnings growth in 2011 may exceed our 10% forecast
We showed the first chart below last week. It highlights how atypical this earnings cycle has been relative to weak
nominal GDP growth. We had been forecasting 10% earnings growth for 2011, but now it looks like earnings growth will
exceed these levels. To put this exercise in context, consider the second chart. After earnings collapse in a recession, they
tend to rebound sharply, with earnings growth tailing off after a year or two. By the end of Q1, year-on-year earnings
growth will have slowed to 15% from 90% in March 2010. Estimating earnings growth for all of 2011 is like projecting
where a large boulder will stop rolling after having been released from the top of a hill. It now looks like it will roll a bit
further than we thought.
US profits recovery outpacing economic recovery
Where will the earnings boulder stop rolling?
Ratio of 2 year earnings growth to 2 year nominal GDP g rowth
S&P 500 gua rte rly operating eami ngs per share.% change- YoY
15
100%
12.5x
90%
10
80%
70% •
Average:4.2x
80% .
Average: 2.0x
50% •
40%
30% -
20% •
10% •
-10
Oro
1952
1959
1966
1973
1980
1987
1994
2001
2008
Ma -10 Jun-10 Sep-10 Dec-10 Mar-11 Jun-11 Sep-11 Dec-11
Before we discuss the implications of rising earnings projections, let's look one more time at the drivers of corporate
profits during this recovery. In the 5 prior earnings recoveries, sales rose, labor compensation rose as well (though not as
fast as sales), resulting in rising profits (see first chart). In the current cycle, labor compensation is unchanged after two
years given the abysmal condition of the job markets (second chart). As a result, almost the entire increase in sales flows
through to bottom-line profits. This is what is referred to as "high incremental maigins",a topic we wrote about in April
of 2010.
Revised 2011
estimate:15%
Original 2011 I
estimate: 11%
EFTA01164493
Corporate profit cycle - 5 past recoveries
Change since protittrough -billions
$400
$350
S300
$250
$200
S150
$100
$50
SO
-S50 J
Quarters since trough
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Sales
Labor
compensation
9
10
Corporate profit cycle - current recovery
Change since prof it trough - billions
$700
$600
$500
$400
$300
S200
$100
SO
-$100
4200
-$300 J
Quarters since trough
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Profits
Sales
Labor
compensation
8
9
10
The profits recovery is not entirely a story of lower labor costs. As shown above, sales are rising. But the labor
compensation picture, in our view, throws some cold water on the valuation implications of corporate profits right now.
The reason: weak labor compensation has resulted in outsized government transfers to households and businesses,
and the largest fiscal deficits in decades.
In terms of breadth, the profits recovery is spread across sectors. So far in Q1 2011, with 2/3 of companies reporting,
78% are outperforming estimates, with earnings beating estimates by around 5%. The outperformance is spread across all
sectors, with the best performance (vs expectations) from Technology, Healthcare, Industrials, Materials and Consumer
Discretionary. Three cautionary notes, however. First, rising energy earnings (up —40% in Q1) may eventually have
negative feedback loops for other sectors. Second, energy and industrials were the only sectors to outperform the S&P 500
on a price basis in Q1, resulting in the narrowest market leadership since 1999 (see chart below). And third, financial
sector profits benefitted from the reduction in loan loss provisions, which is a lower-quality source of earnings than top-
line increases in loan demand.
Number of sectors outperforming the S&P 500
Quarterly basis
9
8 -
6 -
5-
7 -
4
3
2 •
1 •
0
",
1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009
Tech Bubble
TM
S&P 500.
$104
evolution of earnings estimates
• Jan 1 estimate
earnings per share
• Mar 31 estimate
• Current estimate
Percent
3100
increase
15.00
over 2010:
14.3%
164%
S96
10.8
10.7%10.7%2.
9.1%
1
592
S88
S84
$80
2010 earnings
JPMSLIC 2011
Top-deen 20i t
Bottom-tie 2011
expectations
analyst estimate
analyst esIrrete
Morgan Securiti es LLC, Bloomberg.
How much earnings growth should we expect in 2011? The second chart shows the evolution of earnings forecasts this
year from company analysts, market strategists, and
Morgan Securities. Even without factoring in any multiple
expansion, earnings growth of 13% to 15%, times a forward P/E multiple of 14x-15x, yields an S&P 500 valuation range
of 1,350 to 1,470. The higher end of earnings growth and P/E multiple ranges would result in 17% returns this year.
While the 16% bottoms-up estimate looks high to us, 2011 earnings growth is likely to exceed the 10% expectations we
had in January.
trends and stock buybacks are helping as well; global
volumes are up 18% from 2010, and
announced stock buybacks are on pace to double. There are still uncertainties related to energy prices, China slowing
and tightening across the developing world, the collapsing dollar and the debt ceiling (now pushed to August due to
better than expected Treasury tax receipts). As a result, we are not making major changes to overall equity and hedge
fund allocations from levels shown on April 18 [a].
The Euro continues to rally reflecting widening Fed and ECB policy differences we did not expect
We did not have a strong view on the US$/Euro exchange rate heading into 2011, but perhaps we should have. As shown,
the Euro has been moving lock step with interest rate differentials between the two regions. Since January, these rate
EFTA01164494
differentials widened again, and the Euro rallied from $1.30 to $1.48. Why are policy rate expectations for 2012 so much
higher in Europe than in the US? Tight German labor markets [b], and a focus on rising energy prices and headline
inflation by the ECB, mostly. On the other hand, the Fed appears content to sit tight and let Bemanke's "Portfolio
Rebalancing Channel" (e.g., rising stock prices) run a bit more, since the Fed's reading of US core inflation is benign, and
believes that rising energy prices are "transitory". When considered in local currency terms, European equities trail the US
and Asia ex-Japan this year (as they did in 2010). But after factoring in the higher Euro, European equities generated the
highest returns by region in 2011. Our view is that the ECB will not tighten as much as the markets expect (6 times by
June 2012), which should slow the Euro's appreciation vs. the dollar.
Exchange rate has moved with Interest rate expectations
USD/EUR5-day moving average
bps
1.50
180
1.46
1.42
1.38
1.34
1.30
1.26
1.22
Ju 10
Sep L
Nov 10
Source Bloomberg.
Morgan PB.
USD/EUR exchange rate(LHS)
Expected Interest rate
differential - June 2012(RHS)
Jan 11
Mar 11
140
100
20
May 11
US Agencies played a larger role in the housing crisis than we first reported
In January 2009, I wrote that the housing crisis was mostly a consequence of the private sector. Why? US Agencies
appeared to be responsible for only 20% of all subprime, Alt A and other mortgage exotica [c]. However, over the last 2
years, analysts have dissected the housing crisis in greater detail. What emerges from new research is something quite
different: government agencies now look to have guaranteed, originated or underwritten 60% of all "non-traditional"
mortgages, which totaled $4.6 trillion in June 2008. What's more, this research asserts that housing policies instituted in
the early 1990s were explicitly designed to require US Agencies to make much riskier loans, with the ultimate goal of
pushing private sector banks to adopt the same standards. To be sure, private sector banks and investors are responsible for
taking the bait, and made terrible mistakes. Overall, what emerges is an object lesson in well-meaning public policy gone
spectacularly wrong.
Exposure to Subprlme and Alt-A loans using AEI
expanded definition, Percent of total as of June 30, 2008
Fannie Mae lop
io,
Freddie Mac
Ak
FHANid
Rural Housing
NI)""
FHLB
CRA1HUD
11111
00,
Private Sector
Sources
• Edward Pinto, "Government Housing Policies in the Lead-up
to the Financial Crisis: A Forensic Stator, November 2010.
During the 1980's. Mr. Pinto was Fannie Mae's SW for
Marketing and Product Management. and subsequently its
Executive Vice President and Chief Credit Officer.
• Peter Wallison. "Dissent from the Majority Report of the
Financial Otis Inquiry 0777IMiS$1011- . published January
2011. Mr. Waffison, a member of the Financial Reform Task
Force and Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, worked in
the US Treasury Department under President Reagan.
For Pinto and Wallison, this quote from the Department of Housing and Urban Development in 2000 is a smoking gun of
sorts, and lays out a blueprint for the housing crisis:
"Because the GSEs have a funding advantage over other market participants, they have the ability to under price their
competitors and increase their market share. This advantage, as has been the case in the prime market, could allow the
GSEs to eventually play a significant role in the subprime market. As the GSEs become more comfortable with subprime
lending, the line between what today is considered a subprime loan versus a prime loan will likely deteriorate,
EFTA01164495
making expansion by the GSEs look more like an increase in the prime market. Since, as explained earlier in this
chapter, one could define a prime loan as one that the GSEs will purchase, the difference between the prime and
subprime markets will become less clear. This melding of markets could occur even if many of the underlying
characteristics of subprime borrowers and the market's (i.e., non-GSE participants) evaluation of the risks posed by
these borrowers remain unchanged! (HUD Affordable Lending goals for Freddie Mac/Fannie Mae, Oct 2000)
The strategy worked, as shown in the chart below: the Agencies took the lead in the 1990s and early 2000's in both
subprime and high LTV (>=95%) loans, acquiring over $700 billion in non-traditional mortgages before private markets
had even reached $100 billion. Then in 2002-2003, private sector banks took the bait and jumped in with both feet.
According to Wallison, the distortion of the housing bubble from 1997 onward obscured what would otherwise have been
rising delinquencies and losses. As a result, when investors, banks and rating agencies finally got involved in a substantial
way, they ended up looking at under-stated default statistics on subprime, Alt A and high LTV borrowers.
US Agency High LTV & Subprime loan exposure
Percent of markettotal. using AEI expanded definition
80%
75%
70%
65%
60%
55%
50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
The Wallison/Pinto timeline of events looks something like this, and is best viewed when superimposed on home
ownership rates and home prices (see first chart below), which had been stable for the prior 3 decades:
A: Senate hearings in 1991 start the ball rolling with commentary from community groups that banks need to be pushed
to loosen lending standards, and that Agencies must take the lead: "Lenders will respond to the most conservative
standards unless [Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac] are aggressive and convincing in their efforts to expand historically
narrow underwriting."
B: In 1992, Congress imposes affordable housing goals on Fannie and Freddie through the "Federal Housing
Enterprises Financial Safety and Soundness Act of 1992", and become competitors with FHA. To meet these goals, the
Agencies relaxed down payment requirements. By 2007, they guaranteed an estimated $140 billion of loans with down
payments <=3% (after having done none at
5% as of 1991). Half of these high LTV loans required no down payments
at all. This was the driver behind a larger trend: by 2007, required down payments of <=3% were 40% of all home
purchase loans.
Home prices, home ownership and government policy
Index
Percent
200
70% 60%
28%
Home ownership
190
rate (RHS) -,
69%
26%
180
D
68% 55%
24%
170-
6
50%
22%
7%
160
20%
150
C
140
65% 45%
/
Special Affordable (RHS)
B
16%
130
120
64% 40%
14%
110
83%
12%
100
prices (LHS)
62% 35%
10%
1996
2008
1965 1969 1973 1977 1981 1985 1989 1993 1997 2001 2005 2009
HUD affordable housing lending targets
Percentof total loans
Percent of total loans
Low & Moderate Income (LHS)
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
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C: In its 1995 National Homeownership Strategy publication, HUD announces that while low down payment mortgages
were already 29% of the market by August 2004, they wanted more: "Lending institutions, secondary market investors,
mortgage insurers, and other members of the partnership should work collaboratively to reduce homebuyer down payment
requirements".
D: In 2000, HUD raises affordable lending targets again. The chart above shows the escalation of lending targets for
low and moderate income borrowers, and "Special Affordable" [d] borrowers. The problem for Agencies: the only way to
meet these targets was to relax down payment requirements even more, and income verification/loan to value standards as
well. When announcing even higher affordable housing targets in 2004, HUD made it clear that their purpose was to get
private sector banks to follow suit: "These new goals will push the GSEs to genuinely lead the market". (HUD Press
Release, Nov. 2004). Bad news: they did.
The rest, as they say, is history. Wallison and Pinto make a variety of assumptions in several hundred pages of research,
some of which has unsurprisingly resulted in conservative and liberal policy groups disagreeing with each other. One
point is not in dispute: dollar for dollar, private sector banks and brokers made much worse loans than the Agencies.
when considering delinquency rates and losses per dollar of loan principal.
But Wallison and Pinto are not trying to find out who made the worst loans. They're trying to figure out why underwriting
standards collapsed across the board; how policy objectives were designed to have private sector banks follow the
Agencies off the cliff; and why Agency losses to taxpayers are estimated to be so large ($250-$350 billion). It's a hollow
victory for Agency supporters to claim that their version of Alt A and Subprime loans were not as bad as private sector
ones: the Agencies had almost no capital to absorb losses in the first place, given what their mandate was. According to
the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, "by the end of 2007, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac combined leverage ratios,
including loans they owned and guaranteed, stood at 75 to 1." After factoring out tax-loss carry-forwards, Agency
capital ratios were probably below 1% on over $5 trillion in mortgage exposure, much of which was underwritten very
aggressively.
US Agency Equity Capital Ratios
December 2007
The Wallison/Pinto research appears to be a well-reasoned addition to the body of work dissecting the worst housing crisis
in the post-war era. It is convincing enough to retract what we wrote in 2009. As regulators and politicians consider
actions designed to stabilize the financial system and the housing/mortgage markets, reflection on the role that policy
played in the collapse would seem like a critical part of the process.
Michael Cembalest
Chief Investment Officer
Notes
[a] For example, in Balanced portfolios allocate 32%-35% to public equities, 25% to hedge funds and 5% to private equity.
[b] Tight labor markets in Germany (a record number of job vacancies in April) and Spanish unemployment rising to 21.3%? With
strong growth and an ageing population, Germany needs around 400,000 immigrants per year to maintain labor productivity. For
historical reasons, German job-seekers are more likely to come from Poland than from Spain, highlighting structural tensions in
the European Monetary Union
[c] Why was it hard to figure this out in the immediate aftermath of the housing collapse? Creative Reporting. According to Pinto,
Fannie Mae classified a loan as subprime only if the loan was originated by a lender specializing in subprime, or by subprime divisions
of large lenders. They did not use FICO scores to report all subprime exposure, despite their use to define subprime as far back as 1995
in Freddie Mac's industry letters, and guidelines issued by Federal regulators in 2001. As Pinto notes, this had the effect of reducing its
reported subprime loan count.
[d] "Special Affordable" goal: the percent of dwelling units financed by GSE's mortgage purchases be for very low-income families,
defined as those with incomes no greater than 60.80 percent of median incomes.
Acronyms
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HUD
Department of Housing and Urban Development
FHLB
Federal Home Loan Banks
VA
Veterans Administration
CRA
Community Reinvestment Act
FHA
Federal Housing Authority
GSE
Government Sponsored Enterprises (Freddie Mac, Fannie Mae)
ECB
European Central Bank
FCIC
Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission
LTV
Loan to Value
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