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Chapter Fifteen
On the morning of April 1, 1991. I got up even earlier than usual, to visit the
graves of the men who had lost their lives in my battalion in the Yom Kippur
War. I also went to pay my respects to Uzi Yairi, killed when he’d rushed from
his desk in the kiryva to join the Sayeret Matkal attack at the Savoy Hotel. Then
Nava and I drove to Jerusalem. At Israel’s national military cemetery on Mount
Herzl, we stood before the resting place of Nechemia Cohen, Yoni Netanyahu,
Dado, and Avraham Arnan. From there, we went to the Prime Minister’s office.
With Dan Shomron and his wife looking on, Shamir presented me with my third
star and formally made me chief of staff.
For years, I'd developed the habit of carrying around a notebook in which
I’d jot down thoughts on things I thought that the Israeli military, and I as an
officer, could have done better: errors, oversights, and how we might fix them.
In the weeks before becoming ramatkal, I'd filled dozens of pages on issues
large and small I hoped to address as the commander of the armed forces. A lot
of them dealt with what I sensed was an erosion of cohesiveness in the army,
and, since ours was a citizen military, a fraying of the relationship between the
army and Israeli society. To some degree, this was inevitable in a country now
nearly 45 years old: developed economically and free of the kind of existential
threat we’d faced in the early years of the state. But the political divisions over
the war in Lebanon, and morale-sapping need to quell the violence on the West
Bank and in Gaza had further strained our unity of purpose.
Militarily, we were now indisputably strong enough to defeat any of the
Arab armies, even if they launched a joint attack as in 1973. Our most important
overseas ally, the United States, was committed to helping us retain that
position — what both we and they called Israel’s “qualitative edge” — in the
interest of our security and their own. But we were facing a series of new,
unconventional challenges. One of them, which had come on to Dan Shomron’s
and my radar over the past year, was Iran. Though geographically distant, it was
potentially the most serious in the longer run, as Dan himself warned Israelis in
his final interview as chief of staff. Iran was likely to become even more
assertive regionally now that the Gulf War had weakened its neighbor and rival,
Iraq. We also knew, from our intelligence sources, that the Iranians were
making preliminary efforts to develop a nuclear weapon.
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