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d-26891House OversightOther

Yates claims Flynn's call with Russian ambassador was captured via incidental FISA wiretap

The passage suggests that a legally authorized FISA wiretap on Ambassador Kislyak incidentally recorded Michael Flynn, potentially providing a new source of evidence linking the Trump transition team Yates told the White House that Flynn's call with Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak was captured as The wiretap was allegedly authorized by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court targeting the

Date
November 11, 2025
Source
House Oversight
Reference
House Oversight #019956
Pages
1
Persons
1
Integrity
No Hash Available

Summary

The passage suggests that a legally authorized FISA wiretap on Ambassador Kislyak incidentally recorded Michael Flynn, potentially providing a new source of evidence linking the Trump transition team Yates told the White House that Flynn's call with Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak was captured as The wiretap was allegedly authorized by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court targeting the

Tags

surveillance-abusemichael-flynnforeign-influencefisawiretapwhite-house-leakstrump-administrationlegal-exposurepolitical-obstructionhouse-oversightsurveillancesergey-kislyakmoderate-importance

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Yates now told the White House that Flynn’s conversation with Kislyak had actually been captured as part of an “incidental collection” of authorized wiretaps. That is, a wiretap had presumably been authorized on the Russian ambassador by the secret Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court and, incidentally, picked up Flynn. The FISA court had achieved a moment of notoriety after the Edward Snowden revelations briefly made it a béte noire for liberals who were angry about privacy incursions. Now it was achieving another moment, but this time as the friend of liberals, who hoped to use these “incidental” wiretaps as a way to tie the Trump camp to a wide- ranging conspiracy with Russia. In short order, McGahn, Priebus, and Bannon, each with prior doubts about Flynn’s reliability and judgment—“a fuck-up,” according to Bannon—conferred about the Yates message. Flynn was asked again about his call with Kislyak; he was also told that a recording might exist. Again he scoffed at any suggestion that this was a meaningful conversation about anything. In one White House view, Yates’s tattling was little more than “like she found out her gitlfriend’s husband flirted with somebody else and, standing on principle, had to tell on him.” Of more alarm to the White House was how, in an incidental collection wherein the names of American citizens are supposedly “masked”—with complicated procedures required to “unmask” them—had Yates so handily and conveniently picked up Flynn? Her report would also seem to confirm that the leak to the Post about these recordings came from the FBI, DOJ, or Obama White House sources—part of the growing river of leaks, with the Zimes and the Post the leakers’ favored destinations. The White House in its assessment of the Yates message ended up seeing this as less a problem with an always hard-to-handle Flynn than as a problem with Yates, even as a threat from her: the Justice Department, with its vast staff of career and Obama-inclined prosecutors, had ears on the Trump team. 7 OK Ok “It’s unfair,” said Kellyanne Conway, sitting in her yet undecorated second-floor office while representing the president’s hurt feelings. “It’s obviously unfair. It’s very unfair. They lost. They didn’t win. This is so unfair. So POTUS just doesn’t want to talk about it.” There was nobody in the White House who wanted to talk about—or even anyone who had been officially delegated to talk about—Russia, the story that, evident to most, even before they entered the White House, was certain to overwhelm the first year of the Trump administration at the very least. Nobody was prepared to deal with it. “There’s no reason to even talk about it,” said Sean Spicer, sitting on the couch in his

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