French diplomatic history and Chinese diaspora influence amid China‑France tensions

157 But it also means that French state television of the 1960s often aired views favorable to the Cultural Revolution, while Maoism was influential inside the radical Left. French diplomacy also has had its “China school,” with leading figures such as Etienne Manach (a historical Gaullist) and Claude Martin (who recently published his memoirs under a title lifted creatively from a saying by Chairman Mao, “La diplomatie n’est pas un diner de gala” or “Diplomacy is not a dinner party”). Still, the shift in public opinion has been equally notable. Simon Leys wrote in French and spawned a critical tradition inside French sinology. The 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown and a demonstration condoned by the French government on the eve of the G-7 Versailles Summit created a lasting row with the PRC (to which arms sales to Taiwan in the early 1990s can be traced). President Nicolas Sarkozy’s stand on Tibet around the 2008 Olympics kindled an even more severe controversy with China, one which also left a trace inside French officialdom. Although diplomatic relations would be normalized in ensuing years, this marked the beginning of a rebalancing of France’s foreign policy in Asia. Today, France is a leading arms provider to Australia, Malaysia, Vietnam, India, Singapore, and—to a lesser degree—Japan. It is the leading country—and one of only two EU countries—participating in freedom of navigation naval operations in the South China Sea, albeit with more limited objectives than the United States. It has also taken the lead, with Germany and Italy, in calling for investment screening by the EU, a move that clearly targets Chinese attempts to obtain European high technology. Diaspora The Chinese diaspora in France is the largest in Europe, estimated to be between six hundred thousand and one million. Exact figures are not known as ethnic or religious censuses are banned in France. The diaspora is not only large but diverse, including Hoa refugees from Indochina arriving in the late 1970s, Wenzhou immigrants, Dongbei workers, and, more recently, students and affluent Chinese. Wenzhou immigrants are notably apolitical, while Dongbei (northeast) people are closer to PRC traditions. Very few influential French of Chinese origins come from either of these two groups. The PRC embassy in Paris and consulates in Marseilles and Strasbourg have increased China’s outreach to the various Chinese communities in recent years. Notably, actions were taken to encouraging and mobilizing counterdemonstrations (largely from the student community) in Paris during the 2008 Olympics row and by exploiting the issue of crime against Asians (tourists or residents). In 2016, the death of a Chinese resident at the hands of the police spawned a very sudden and publicly condoned reaction in China itself, an echo and perhaps a reminder of the 2008 Olympics row. The PRC also has consulates in French Polynesia and on Reunion Island, with activities more directed to communities of Chinese origin that reside there. Appendix 2 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020616