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Wi n t e r 2 0 1 4 — c
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by Henry Rosovsky,
Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences,
Emeritus,
Editor’s Note: These remarks were prepared for the Carnegie Corporation/TIME Summit on Higher Education,
September 20, 2013.
RESEARCH UNIVERSITIES:
R
I. A Paradox
Domestically, American higher ed
ucation is the subject of almost unprec
edented criticism. “Too expensive and
inefficient and not a good investment”
is a common conclusion. Students are
said to be unprepared for the job mar
ket. Higher education is accused of
being too permissive in tolerating low
faculty productivity and in resisting the
technological revolution. In general,
the current “business model” is judged
unsustainable: some think that we are
riding on the road to self-destruction.
The United States confronts great social
and economic problems, yet—in Arthur
Levine’s gloomy words—“public and
opinion leaders alike view [universities]
as more of a problem than a solution.”1
But in international discussions
and evaluations of higher education,
American universities are frequently
called “the envy of the world.” Not by
any means all our universities. Indeed
not very many, but some—and that is
my point.
In the United States, it makes no
sense to speak about “higher educa
tion” or “universities” in general—yet
it happens all the time. (The December
1, 2012, issue of The Economist pro
vides a recent example. The headline
announced: “Not what it used to be:
American universities represent declin
ing value for money to their students.”
In the text there is little recognition
of the tremendous diversity of higher
education in the United States.) The
label “American universities” has little
meaning when our country is home to
more than 4,000 tertiary institutions,
ranging from those that might actually
be the envy of the world to those barely
distinguishable from high schools—
with a tremendous variety in between.
At the top of our higher education
pyramid we find the public and private
research universities with their special
role of creating and maintaining knowl
edge, training graduate students in arts
and sciences and professional schools,
and offering a liberal education to un
dergraduates. According to Jonathan
Cole, there are about 125 diverse uni
versities that fit this description and
they “…are able to produce a very
high proportion of the most important
fundamental knowledge and practical
research discoveries in the world. It is
the quality of the research produced,
and the system that invests in and
trains young people to be leading sci
entists and scholars, that distinguishes
them and makes them the envy of the
world.”2 These 125 universities play a
less singular role in undergraduate edu
cation. As Cole again points out, some
American liberal arts colleges are able
to offer undergraduate education of
equal quality. I agree, but the nature of
the educational experience is different:
1 “Today’s Unpresidential Presidents,” The Chronicle of Higher Education, October 26, 2012.
2 The Great American University, 2009, p. 5
American Exceptionalism?
In the United States,
it makes no sense
to speak about
“higher education”
or “universities”
in general—and
yet it happens
all the time.
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for undergraduates, the research uni
versity might be compared to life in a
big city with a great diversity of inhab
itants—undergraduates, graduate stu
dents, professional school students, and
faculty reflective of that diversity—and
the liberal arts college comparable to a
more homogeneous and community-
oriented small town populace. Each has
its own advantages for undergraduates.
“Top of the pyramid”—my sole
focus here—does not mean that institu
tions below the top are less worthy, less
deserving of private or public support,
or less essential in the national scheme
of higher education. Nor does it imply
that the current storm of criticism is
irrelevant for research universities. I
completely understand the need for con
trolling costs and expanding capacity.
But it does mean that criticisms have
to be as differentiated as the range of
institutions: unless that happens, inap
propriate remedies may damage a sec
tor of American higher education where
we are using accepted but necessarily
questionable measures with the poten
tial to lessen our status as world leaders.
All systems of international university
rankings agree that U.S. universities
dominate the top twenty or thirty places.
(Twenty-two out of thirty in the Times
Higher Education survey and twenty-
three out of thirty in the Shanghai Jiao
Tong ranking; both in 2013.)
It is unlikely that American domi
nance is accidental, but a convincing
explanation would have to be extremely
complicated. History, wars, culture and
customs, and resources are all involved.
But all the institutions at the top of the
American educational pyramid—and
some others as well—share six char
acteristics closely associated with high
quality. (My initial preference was to
call these “necessary conditions,” but
that seemed a bit too rigorous.) Their
absence would preclude—or make it
much more difficult—for research uni
versities to achieve the highest quality,
not just in this country but anywhere
else. Indeed, their partial or total ab
sence abroad helps to explain why
there are relatively few foreign—es
pecially non-Western—institutions
represented at the top of the accepted
surveys.3 None of the six character
istics is wholly unambiguous; all are
blurry. But is not difficult to detect their
presence or absence.
II. Six Characteristics of Quality
n Shared governance. First, these
institutions all practice shared gover
nance: the trustees and president condi
tionally delegate educational policy to
the faculty. That would primarily include
curriculum and the initial selection of
those who teach, are admitted to study,
and do research. The administrative
style is collegial rather than top-down,
faculty sharing authority in specified
areas with appointed administrators and
trustees, the latter holding final author
ity. This is a distinctly American form
of shared governance, which relies on a
strong executive. Presidents, provosts,
and deans possess and exercise consid
erable authority over budgets, institu
tional priorities, and many other matters
of consequence. This may be contrasted
with the so-called “continental model”
that features what, in its purist form, can
only be described as “participatory de
mocracy”—faculty elections of rectors
and deans, and policy decisions some
times placed in the hands of assemblies
based on the principle of parity: fac
ulty, students, and employees sharing
authority. In my opinion, this form of
governance has been a great obstacle to
progress, and while it is very difficult
to generalize, it seems that even conti
nental practice is moving toward greater
executive authority.
More than a decade ago, I had the
opportunity to study universities in de
veloping countries all over the world
while preparing a report for the World
Bank and UNESCO.4 Problems and
issues varied enormously depend
ing on economic conditions, politi
cal system, history, etc. But those who
were in charge of universities almost
always agreed on one point: poor sys
tems of university governance were the
greatest obstacles to institutional im
provement—more so than inadequate
financing or anything else. Of course,
poor governance meant many different
things but certainly included interfer
ence by ministries of education, unclear
lines of authority and perhaps, most im
portant, barriers to faculty input or ini
tiative. It would be a mistake to believe
that poor governance applies only to
the developing world. Similar obstacles
3 For a very recent confirmation of this point, one need only look at Michele Lamont and Anna Sun’s op-ed, “How China’s Elite Universities Will Have to Change,” in The
Chronicle of Higher Education, December 14, 2012.
4 Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril and Promise, 2000.
A major component
of education is
real as opposed to
virtual encounters
between students
and teachers
to encourage
participation and
critical thinking.
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have slowed quality growth in European
and American higher education.
What makes shared governance so
important? There are many possible
answers, but these are among the most
frequently mentioned: universities are
extremely complex organizations in
which centralized decision-making
does not achieve the best results; in
universities the proportion of self-moti
vated people is large and to capture the
full measure of their “creative juices”
requires a sense of ownership. Susan
Hockfield, former president of MIT,
puts it very well: “Faculty travel the
frontiers of their disciplines and, from
that vantage point, can best determine
future directions of their fields and de
sign curricula that bring students to the
frontier. No academic leader can chart
the course of the university’s discipline
independent of the faculty.”
These reasons apply in general to
organizations in which profession-based
authority is important, a good example
being law firms and large consulting
firms. Shared governance may frustrate
administrators intent on implement
ing rapid change, but a slower pace
may also lead to wiser choices and cer
tainly has not—in light of university his
tories—prevented fundamental changes.
(It should be added that the current use
of adjuncts, offering over 50 percent
of instruction in many universities,
has surely undermined the integrity of
shared governance. A corps of instruc
tors in which half are employed on a
yearly basis and without rights or sense
of ownership will not be doing much
creative thinking about the future.)
n Academic freedom. Second,
despite periodic challenges, American
research universities enjoy academic
freedom—“the right of scholars to pur
sue their research, to teach, and to pub
lish without control or restraint from the
institutions that employ them”—and, in
addition, all rights granted to inhabit
ants of this country, especially those
associated with the First Amendment.5
n Merit selection. Third, admis
sion of students and selection and ad
vancement of faculty is based on merit
measured by recognized and accepted
institutional standards. Some form of
prior achievement would define merit:
assuredly not an issue devoid of nu
merous ambiguities. One cannot ignore
legacies, affirmative action, athletic
scholarships, and similar deviations
from the simplest notions of merit for
students, such as scores on a standard
ized national test. Similarly, gender,
race, and old-boy networks can create
other deviations from a straightforward
standard for selecting and promoting
faculty. Nevertheless, objective mea
sures of merit remain at the very least
the first approximation.
n Significant human contact.
Fourth, a major component of education
is now and is intended to remain sig
nificant human contact: real as opposed
to virtual encounters between students
and teachers to encourage participation
and critical thinking. In his 2012 Tanner
Lectures, William Bowen calls this
“minds rubbing against minds.” The
proportions may change over time but
the basic principle has to be retained:
it has to be part of liberal education for
undergraduates who need guidance and
contact in making choices, and it is a
self-evident part of the mentor-mentee
relation for those aspiring to reach a
Ph.D. Leon Wieseltier, in language that
is both valid and vivid, captured the
spirit of this characteristic extremely
well in a recent New Republic essay:6
When I look back at my educa
tion, I am struck not by how much
I learned but by how much I was
taught. I am the progeny of teach
ers; I swoon over teachers. Even
what I learned on my own I owed
to them, because they guided me in
my sense of what is significant. The
only form of knowledge that can be
adequately acquired without the
help of a teacher and without the
humility of a student is information,
which is the lowest form of knowl
edge. (And in these nightmarishly
data-glutted days, the winnowing
of information may also require
the masterly hand of someone who
knows more and better.)
One might quarrel with some spe
cific phrases, but it is not easy to imag
ine these sentiments being addressed
to a screen. Few would deny the great
value of digitization, virtual course ma
terials, or occasionally flipped class
rooms but they remain complementary
rather than primary.
n Preservation of culture. Fifth, all
these universities consider preservation
and transmission of culture to be one
of their missions. This would include
representation of the humanities in cur
riculum (mandatory for undergradu
ate liberal arts), as well as, for some,
more specialized activities including
research and language studies, and the
maintenance of libraries and museums.
Preservation of culture applies as much
to MIT, Caltech, and Purdue as it does
to the more traditional Yale and the
University of Wisconsin. Indeed, many
“polytechnics”—certainly including
the ones mentioned here—have been
the source of major innovative schol
arship in the humanities and social
sciences. The history of science and
economics are excellent examples. It
is a simple fact that our most promi
nent universities specializing in science
have programs and/or departments that
transcend traditional definitions of sci
ence. But why? Because they believe
5 The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th edition, 2001.
6 December 31, 2012
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that this both improves the education
of their students and the research of the
faculty. Interdisciplinary approaches in
all fields have been gaining favor for
many years and that may be the most
powerful driver of all.
n Nonprofit status. Sixth—and fi
nally—all research universities operate
on a not-for-profit basis. If maximizing
profit or increasing shareholder value
were the goal, all the previous condi
tions become unwelcome obstacles and
inefficiencies that could not be toler
ated by a competent management. But
this condition is not as cut and dried as
it may seem. Decisions in not-for-profit
universities can be influenced and pos
sibly distorted by considerations of
revenue. For example, activities that
generate research or operating funds in
return for certain privileges obtained by
a funder may require exclusive access
to specific scientific results for a limited
period of time. In this sense, no research
university today is purely not-for-profit.
None, however, is mainly directed by
the business aims of outside supporters.
The six characteristics are neither
canonical nor subject to rigorous math
ematical proof. They are based on my
(I believe uncontroversial) reading of
our historical experience.
III. Understanding and
Misunderstanding the Quality
Requirements
Many academics will consider a
listing of these characteristics indi
vidually familiar, obvious, and of little
interest. Non-academics, on the other
hand, may have a quite different reac
tion. The list could easily be interpreted
as a plea for the status quo, typical of
the academic establishment that stub
bornly resists all change.
Both perspectives are wrong. The
characteristics of quality are almost
never considered as a system even
though the absence of any one of them
will affect the integrity and quality of
a research university. Faculty wishing
responsibly to exercise rights of shared
governance should have the whole
group clearly in mind.
Turning to the non-academic per
spective, none of these characteristics,
singly or as a group, make—to use the
term beloved by our critics—disruptive
change impossible. This is an important
point because, I think, it runs counter to
widely held beliefs.
For example, tenure is perceived to
be an obstacle to change. It may indeed
be desirable instead to adopt a system
of long-term contracts—particularly
because federal law prohibits manda
tory retirements. Faculties are aging
and so are their ideas, in turn raising
costs and keeping out the young. But
it is not the enumerated characteristics
that stand in the way of change. To take
the most relevant, in the American tradi
tion, employment contracts have never
been within the purview of shared gov
ernance. Faculties don’t determine their
own pay or conditions of employment;
these are in the hands of the administra
tion—even when union negotiations are
involved. A main barrier to change has to
be the fact that—noted by Bowen in his
second Tanner Lecture—that competi
tion between non-profit peer institutions
currently drives up cost. No ambitious
and quality-centered research univer
sity can afford, on its own, to abandon
tenure and move (say) to long-term con
tracts. Only an understanding with peers
would make it possible and that is ille
gal. Bowen wonders if some collusion
would now be in the public interest.
Internal and external critics have
suggested various other cost-cutting
measures. For example, raising teach
ing loads or a rising student-faculty ra
tio—I do not necessarily suggest either
one—would lower cost. A three-year
bachelor’s degree would have the same
result. More machines, fewer humans,
and an increase in online learning
(MOOCS) may also decrease expenses.
Again, these may be good ideas or
not— but respecting the six character
istics does not prevent their implemen
tation (so long as shared governance is
clearly understood not to be participa
tory democracy).
Shared governance does, from time
to time, increase the burden of admin
istrators. Bowen, in his Tanner Lecture,
asks if shared governance is suitable
for a digital world in which decisions
about educational policy can frequently
go beyond individual professors or de
partments and need to include a great
mix of constituencies. As he suggests,
individual or groups of faculty should
not have veto power over change. Have
they ever in a well-administered institu
tion? Bowen is right: the definition or
concept of shared governance may have
to change with the times, while the prin
ciple of faculty voice and participation
is vigilantly maintained. The important
words are sharing combined with good
leadership. The notion that research
universities are “unchanging” has al
ways struck me as bizarre. Our products
are education and research, and the vital
element is not the format or setting (the
bottle) but the content (the wine.) And
that is forever changing.7
Conditions that are at the core of
what it means to be a university are,
for many people, counterintuitive, es
pecially for those with a background
7 A brief digression. In The Great American University, previously mentioned, Jonathan Cole suggests a list of thirteen items under the title “What Makes Great Research
Universities,” p. 109. There is very little overlap with our list—the main common point being academic freedom—because what I call “characteristics of quality” all pertain
to internal governance and, subject to constraints, are controlled by the university and ultimately by the trustees. And that becomes very consequential when trustees and
their responsibilities are considered.
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primarily in business. This was viv
idly illustrated by the recent events at
the University of Virginia where a few
board members, mainly from the pri
vate sector, believing that the new pres
ident was making changes too slowly,
engineered her abrupt dismissal after
three years on the job. It seems to me
that this kind of coup would not be con
sidered good practice even for a private
corporation, but for an institution in
which shared governance was the as
sumed norm it proved to be disastrous.
The UVA board may have acted within
its legal authority, but the total absence
of consultation created a faculty-stu
dent revolt that forced a reversal of the
original action. All emerged worse off.
Shared governance is perhaps the
classic source of “misunderstandings,”
but it is not by any means the only one.
Academic freedom is a perpetual sore
point, especially when it comes to the
expression of political opinion by fac
ulty. To take one more example, preser
vation of culture may be seen by those
exercising sound business judgment as
an entirely discretionary luxury when it
is, in reality, an integral part of research
universities.
Harvard President Drew Faust
framed the issues eloquently in a recent
address at Boston College:
Universities are a set of institutions
unlike any others in our society.
Certainly our budgets must balance,
our operations must be efficient, but
we are not about the bottom line, not
just about the next quarter, not even
about who our graduates are the
day they leave our walls. Our task is
to illuminate the past and shape the
future, to define human aspirations
for the long term. How can we look
past the immediate and the useful…
to address the larger conundrum
of: How shall we best live? What
do I want to be today—and tomor
row? To discover not only the ways
in which human civilization plans
to get somewhere, but to ask the
question, Where does it—and where
should it—hope to go?8
Those are not questions likely to
arise in many corporate boardrooms
but they should be raised regularly
among university trustees.
IV. Addressing the Present
Moment
We come now to some of the real dif
ficulties of the moment. To fulfill their
role in society—creating knowledge and
educating graduate and undergraduate
students— the university community
makes assumptions that may not always
be, and almost certainly are not now, ob
vious either to the trustees who are their
governors or to the wider public. For
example, the characteristics associated
with quality can be seen as pleas for spe
cial privileges. In business or in govern
ment neither the freedom of expression
nor a voice in governance is the prac
tice. Decisions are largely profit-based
or necessarily political.
Another reality to consider is that
American universities only rarely have
written constitutions or long-lasting tra
ditions of common law. The guarantors
of their privileges and practices are trust
ees, most of whose life experiences have
been in private business, admittedly
a category possibly so broad as to be
largely meaningless. (Currently, around
50% of trustees come from “business,”
22% from professional service, and 13%
from education.) Furthermore, in the
case of state universities appointment to
positions of governance can be political,
frequently in the hands of governors,
and sometimes subject to state elections.
At a time of contentiousness and
criticism current practices raise ques
tions: do those who constitute the
court of last resort understand the un
usual entity with which they have been
entrusted? When trustee initiative is
necessary and appropriate and when
it is not? Do we do enough to prepare
trustees for their responsibilities? Are
those who make the appointments
more concerned about the candidate’s
ability to read balance sheets than their
appreciation of university values? Or
do we look primarily at the capacity of
potential trustees to make large dona
tions? Or are those who have the power
of appointment primarily interested in
a candidate’s political affiliation? The
same point can be made about faculty.
We take great care to examine research
credentials and—these days, and that
is a major and welcome change—we
look more closely at teaching capaci
ties. But do we do anything to prepare
faculty to participate productively in
shared governance? Both of these tasks
will grow in urgency as the American
research university—“the envy of the
world”?—navigates very stormy seas
predicted by nearly all observers. ■
8 “Scholarship and the Role of the University: Remarks at the Boston College Sesquicentennial,” October 12, 2012.
Universities are
a set of institutions
unlike any others
in our society.
Our task is
to illuminate the
past and shape
the future.
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